o 


/r 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


Class 


MEMOIR 


OF  THE 


LIFE  OF  JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN. 


OF 


MASSACHUSETTS  I 


BY  HIS  SON. 


JOSIAH  QUINCY. 


Breve  et  irreparabile  tempus 

Omnibus  est  vitae  ;   sed  famam  extendere  factis, 
Hoc  virtutis  opus. 


BOSTON : 

PUBLISHED  BY  CUMMINGS,  HILLIARD,  8f  COMPANY. 
1825. 


DISTRICT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  TO  WIT: 

District  Clerk's  Office. 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  that  on  the  twenty-first  day  of  May,  A.  D.  1825, 
in  the  nineteenth  year  of  tlie  Independence  of  the  United  Stales  of  Amer 
ica,  Ciimniings,  Hilliard,  &.  Co.  of  the  said  district,  have  deposited  in  this 
office  the  title  of  a  book,  the  right  whereof  they  claim  as  proprietors, 
in  the  words  following,  to  wit : 

"  Memoir  of  the  Life  of  Josiah  Quincy  Jun.  of  Massachusetts  :  by  his 
son,  Josiah  Quincy. 


Breve  ct  irreparabile  tempus 


Omnibus  est  vitae  ;  sed  famam  exteudere  factis, 
Hoc  virtutis  opus. " 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  enti 
tled,  "  An  Act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies 
of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  cop 
ies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned:"  and  also  to  an  Act,  entitled, 
"  An  Act,  supplementary  to  an  Act,  entitled,  '  An  Act  for  the  encourage 
ment  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to 
the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein 
mentioned;'  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the  arts  of  design 
ing,  engraving,  and  etching  historical,  and  other  prints." 

JNO.  W.  DAVIS, 
Clerk  of  the,  District  of  Massachusetts, 


University  Press'— Milliard  #  Metcalf.' 


TO  THE 


CITIZENS  OF  BOSTON, 

This  MEMOIR  of  one,  who,  in  times  of  great  peril 
and  oppression,  was  among  the  most  strenuous 
assertors  of  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
metropolis,  is  respectfully  dedicated, 

By  their  fellow  citizen, 

JOSIAH  QUINCY. 

Boston,  April  26,  1825. 


225843 


PREFACE. 


BY  the  lapse  of  half  a  century,  the  actors  in  the 
scenes  immediately  preceding  the  war  of  the  A- 
merican  Revolution,  begin  to  be  placed  in  a  light 
and  at  a  distance,  favourable  at  once  to  right  feel 
ing  and  just  criticism.  In  the  possession  of  free 
dom,  happiness,  and  prosperity,  seldom  if  ever  be 
fore  equalled  in  the  history  of  nations,  the  hearts 
of  the  American  people  naturally  turn  towards  the 
memories  of  those,  who,  under  Providence,  were 
the  instruments  of  obtaining  these  blessings.  Cu 
riosity  awakens  concerning  their  characters  and 
motives.  The  desire  grows  daily  more  universal  to 
repay,  with  a  late  and  distant  gratitude,  their  long 
neglected,  and  often  forgotten,  sacrifices  and  suf 
ferings. 

Among  the  men,  whose  character  and  political 
conduct  had  an  acknowledged  i  nfiueuce  on  the 
events  of  that  period,  was  Josiah  Quincy  Jun.  The 
unanimous  consent  of  his  contemporaries  has  asso 
ciated  his  name,  in  an  imperishable  union,  with 
that  of  Otis,  Adams,  Hancock,  Warren,  and  other 


VI 

distinguished  men,  whose  talents  and  intrepidity 
influenced  the  events  which  led  to  the  declaration 
of  Independence.  This  honour  has  been  grant 
ed  to  him,  notwithstanding  his  political  path  \vas, 
in  every  period  of  its  short  extent,  interrupt 
ed  by  intense  professional  labours,  and  was  termi 
nated  by  death  at  the  early  age  of  thirty-one  years. 

The  particular  features  of  a  life  and  charac 
ter,  capable,  under  such  circumstances,  of  attain 
ing  so  great  a  distinction,  are  objects  of  curiosity 
and  interest.  Those  who  recollect  him,  speak  of 
his  eloquence,  his  genius,  and  his  capacity  for  in 
tellectual  labour ;  of  the  inextinguishable  zeal  and 
absorbing  ardour  of  his  exertions,  whether  directed 
to  political  or  professional  objects;  of  the  entireness 
with  which  he  threw  his  soul  into  every  cause  in 
which  he  engaged  ;  of  the  intrepidity  of  his  spirit, 
and  of  his  indignant  sense  of  the  wrongs  of  his 
country. 

It  is  certain  that  he  made  a  deep  impression  on 
his  contemporaries.  Those  who  remember  the  po 
litical  debates  in  Fanueil  Hall,  consequent  on  the 
Stamp  Act,  the  Boston  Massacre,  and  the  Boston 
Port-Bill,  have  yet  a  vivid  recollection  of  the  pa 
thos  of  his  eloquence,  the  boldness  of  his  invectives, 
and  the  impressive  vehemence  with  which  he  ar- 
rai'nicd  the  measures  of  the  British  ministry,  inflam- 

£D 

ing  the  zeal  and  animating  the  resentment  of  an 
oppressed  people. 


Vll 

These  recollections,  however,  are  evanescent. 
The  peculiarities  of  tone,  gesture,  and  turn  of 
thought,  which  distinguished  the  orator,  perish  with 
him,  and  with  those  who  were  witnesses  of  their 
effect.  It  is  among  written  memorials  that  the  his 
torian  must  look  for  those  traits  of  virtue  and  tal 
ent  which  fix  the  destiny  of  character,  and  by  which 
the  false  is  detected  and  the  true  established. 

The  chief  memorials  of  Josiah  Quincy  Jun.  be 
longing  to  this  class,  were,  by  his  last  will,  be 
queathed  to  his  .son,  the  editor  of  this  work.  They 
have  frequently  been  solicited  for  publication,  but, 
with  the  exception  of  the  few  extracts  which  Gordon 
made  and  inserted  in  the  first  volume  of  his  Histo 
ry  of  the  American  Revolution,  no  part  has  before 
been  submitted  to  the  press.  They  are  now  given 
to  the  general  eye,  not  so  much  because  they  be 
long  to  that  individual,  as  because  his  memory, 
from  the  circumstances  of  his  life,  death,  character, 
and  labours,  is  inseparably  identified  with  the 
times  in  which  he  lived,  and  with  the  fortunes  of 
his  country. 

A  memoir  of  this  kind  has  been  often  urged  on 
the  editor  as  a  duty.  But  it  is  difficult  for  a  son  to 
execute  such  a  task,  without  being  suspected  of  un 
due  bias,  or  of  motives  different  from  those  which 
are  avowed.  Obstacles  of  this  character  have  de 
ferred  until  the  present  time,  and  would  have  post- 


Vlll 


poned  until  a  still  more  distant  period,  this  pub 
lication,  had  they  not  been  overcome  by  consid 
erations  arising  from  the  uncertainty  of  life,  from 
the  accidents  to  which  all  manuscripts  are  ex 
posed,  and  from  a  sense  of  duty  as  well  to  the  indi 
vidual  as  to  the  public.  The  few  facts  known  con 
cerning  his  life,  extracts  from  his  writings,  and  orig 
inal  letters,  to  and  from  distinguished  men  of  his 
time,  will  be  inserted  in  chronological  order,  and 
selected  exclusively  with  reference  to  the  light 
they  throw  on  character,  motives,  and  principles. 

His  pamphlet  on  the  Boston  Port-Bill  will  be 
subjoined.  Although  temporary  in  its  object,  it  is 
among  the  best  remaining  evidences  of  the  spirit 
and  political  principle  of  the  period  in  which  it  was 
written.  Nor  can  it  fail  of  permanent  interest 
from  its  connexion  with  the  history  of  this  metrop 
olis,  and  with  that  most  oppressive  measure  of  the 
British  ministry,  which,  more  than  any  other,  pre 
cipitated  the  crisis  of  the  American  Revolution. 

Of  all  monuments  raised  to  the  memory  of  dis 
tinguished  men,  the  most  appropriate,  and  the  least 
exceptionable,  are  those,  whose  foundations  are 
laid  in  their  own  works,  and  which  are  constructed 
of  materials,  supplied  and  wrought  by  their  own 
labours. 


MEMOIR. 


JOSTAH  QUINCY  Jun.  was  a  descendant  from 
one  of  those  pilgrims,  who,  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
the  First,  sought,  in  these  western  regions,  an  asy 
lum  from  civil  and  religious  persecution.  His 
ancestor,  Edmund  Quincy,  came  from  England 
with  the  Rev.  John  Cotton,  and  arrived  at  Boston 
in  the  month  of  September  1633.  In  November 
following,  his  name  and  that  of  his  wife  are  men 
tioned  on  the  records  of  the  First  Church.  He 
was  elected  the  succeeding  May,  by  the  town  of 
Boston,  one  of  its  first  representatives  to  the 
first  General  Court  held  in  the  Colony  ;  and  it 
appears  by  the  records  of  that  town,  that  "  on  the 
tenth  day  of  the  ninth  month,  1634,  Edmund 
Quincy  and  others  were  appointed  to  make  and 
assess  a  tax  of  thirty  pounds  to  Mr  Blackstone," 
to  purchase  his  right  and  title  to  the  peninsula  of 
"  Shawmut,"  now  Boston. 
1 


2 

In  1635,  the  town  of  Boston  granted  lands  at 
Mount  Wollaston  to  William  Coddington  and 
Edmund  Quiucy  ;  who  took  possession  of  them 
in  the  following  year.  Edmund  Quincy  died  soon 
after,  at  the  age  of  thirty-three. 

His  only  son,  Edmund  Quincy,  was  born  in 
England,  in  1627.  He  inherited  and  settled  on 
his  father's  estate  at  Mount  Wollaston,  afterwards 
Braintree  ;  was  a  magistrate  of  the  county,  and 
Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  Suffolk  regiment.  He 
died  in  1697,  having  had  two  sons,  Daniel  and 
Edmund.  Daniel,  the  eldest,  died  before  his 
father,  leaving  one  son,  John,  born  in  1689. 

John  Quincy  was  an  inhabitant  of  the  town  of 
Braintree,  and  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
public  characters  of  that  period.  He  held  the 
office  of  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
longer  than  any  other  person,  during  the  Charter 
of  William  and  Mary  ;  and  served  as  representative 
from  the  town  of  Braintree,  and  as  member  of  the 
Executive  Council  of  the  Province  for  forty  suc 
cessive  years.  His  paternal  estate  (Mount  Wol 
laston),  on  which  he  resided  during  his  whole 
life,  is  now  the  property  of  his  great  grandson, 
John  Quincy  Adams. 


Edmund,  the  youngest  son  of  Edmund  Quincy, 
was  born  in  Braintree,  in  October  1681  ;  was 
graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1699  ;  and  en 
tered  early  into  public  life,  as  representative  of 
the  town  of  Braintree,  and  afterwards  as  member 
of  the  Executive  Council.  He  held  the  commis 
sion  of  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  colony, 
from  the  year  1718,  to  his  death.  A  controversy 
having  occurred  between  the  province  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay  and  that  of  New  Hampshire,  rela 
tive  to  their  respective  boundary  lines,  he  was 
appointed  by  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts, 
their  agent  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain.  In 
December  1737,  he  embarked  for  England,  on 
that  mission.  Soon  after  his  arrival  in  London, 
he  died  of  the  smallpox,  February  23,  1738,  at 
the  age  of  fifty-seven.  His  death  was  deeply 
lamented  by  his  countrymen.  The  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts,  as  an  acknowledgment 
of  his  worth,  and  considering  that  his  life  had 
fallen  a  sacrifice  in  the  public  service,  made  a 
donation  to  his  heirs,  of  one  thousand  acres  of 
land,  in  the  town  of  Lenox,  in  the  county  of 
Berkshire  ;  and  caused  a  monument  to  be  erected 
over  his  grave  in  Bunhill-fields,  London,  at  the 
expense  of  the  colony. 


This  Edmund  Quincy  left  two  sons,  Edmund 
and  Josiah.  Edmund,  the  eldest,  was  born  in 
Braintree,  in  1703,  was  educated  at  Harvard 
College,  and  received  his  degree  in  1722*  He  was 
many  years  a  merchant  in  Boston.  Afterwards  he 
resided  on  his  paternal  estate  in  Braintree  ;  was 
author  of  "  A  Treatise  on  Hemp  Husbandry," 
published  in  1765,  and  died  an  acting  magistrate 
of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  in  July  1788,  at  the 
age  of  eighty-five. 

Josiah,  the  youngest  son  of  Edmund  Quincy, 
was  born  in  Braintree,  in  1 709.  He  was  graduated 
at  Harvard  College,  in  1728,  and  entered  into 
business  as  a  merchant  in  Boston.  In  1737,  he 
accompanied  his  father  to  England,  passed  seve 
ral  years  in  Europe  at  different  periods  of  his  life, 
and  finally  returned  to  America  in  1749.  He 
was  appointed  in  1755,  by  Governor  Shirley,  joint 
commissioner  with  Thomas  Pownall,  afterwards 
Governor  Pownall,  to  negotiate  with  the  colonies 
of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  for  assistance  in 
erecting  a  frontier  barrier  against  the  French,  at 
Ticonderoga.  In  this  mission  he  availed  himself 
of  the  influence  of  Dr  Franklin,*  and  was  success 
ful.  The  particular  circumstances  of  this  negotia- 

*  See  Appendix. 


tion  are  related  in  the  Memoirs  of  that  great 
man,  written  by  himself. 

Josiah  Quincy  retired  in  1756  from  business, 
and  resided  in  Braintree,  on  his  portion  of  his 
paternal  estate,  until  his  death,  in  1784.  His 
latter  years  were  embittered  by  the  loss  of  his 
youngest  son,  the  subject  of  these  memoirs,  with 
whose  zeal  in  the  cause  of  American  liberty,  he 
cordially  co-operated  ;  and  whose  reputation  for 
genius,  and  rising  promise  of  future  usefulness  and 
distinction,  he  had  cherished  as  the  hope  and  so 
lace  of  his  declining  years.  He  was  in  friend 
ship  and  correspondence  with  Washington,  Adams, 
Franklin,  Bowdoin,  and  other  distinguished  char 
acters  of  that  period.*  His  first  wife  was  Hannah 
Sturgis,  daughter  of  John  Sturgis  Esq.  of  Yar 
mouth,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons. 

Edmund,  the  eldest,  was  born  in  Braintree,  in 
October  1733.  He  received  his  degree  at  Har 
vard  College  in  1752,  entered  into  business  as  a 
merchant  in  Boston,  and  visited  England  in  1760, 
and  1763.  He  was  the  intimate  friend  of  Dr 
Mayhew,  and  a  correspondent  of  Thomas  Hol- 


*  As  the  letters  of  such  men  cannot  fail  of  being  interest 
ing  to  their  countrymen,  a  few  of  those,  found  among  the  pa 
pers  of  Josiah  Quincy,  are  inserted  in  the  Appendix. 


6 

lis  Esq.  of  London.*  Being  a  zealous  whig  and  a 
political  writer  of  that  period,  he  would  have 
probably  taken  an  active  part  in  the  American 
Revolution,  had  his  life  been  spared.  But  his 
health  declining  under  a  pulmonary  complaint,  he 
sailed,  by  the  advice  of  his  physicians,  to  the  West 
Indies,  and  died  at  sea  in  March  1768,  at  the  age 
of  thirty-five  years. 

Samuel  Quincy,  the  second  son,  was  graduated 
at  Harvard  College  in  1754  ;  engaged  in  the  study 
of  the  law,  and  became  eminent  in  that  profession. 
He  was  appointed  Solicitor  General  of  the  prov 
ince,  under  the  crown,  and  held  that  office  until 
the  revolution.  Influenced  by  his  official  duties 
and  connexions,  his  political  course  was  opposed 
to  that  of  the  other  members  of  his  family.  On 
the  termination  of  the  siege  of  Boston  in  1776, 
he  left  this  country  with  other  loyalists.  He 
was  appointed  attorney  for  the  crown  in  the 
island  of  Antigua,  which  office  he  held  until  his 
death  in  1789. 

The  youngest  son  of  Josiah  Quincy,  having  died 
in  the  lifetime  of  his  father,  was  known  to  his 
contemporaries  by  the  name  of  Josiah  Quincy  Jun. 

*  A  letter  from  Mr  Ilollis  is  inserted  in  the  Appendix  te 
this  work. 


He  was  born  in  Boston  February  23,  1744.  The 
delicacy  of  his  constitution,  during  his  infancy 
and  childhood,  excited  the  anxiety  of  his  friends. 
As  he  advanced  towards  manhood  their  apprehen 
sions  were  increased  by  the  extreme  sensibility  of 
his  temperament,  and  the  ardour  and  industry  by 
which,  even  in  youth,  he  was  distinguished. 

These  qualities  characterized  him  through  life, 
and  being  brought  into  strong  activity  by  the 
political  excitement  of  the  period,  caused  the  early 
termination  of  his  career. 

Josiah  Quincy  Jun.  acquired  the  rudiments  of 
a  classical  education  at  Braintree,  under  the  tuition 
of  Mr  Joseph  Marsh,  who  was  for  many  years 
master  of  a  highly  respected  private  school  in  that 
town.  In  1759,  he  entered  Harvard  University, 
where  his  industry,  zeal,  and  unconquerable  thirst 
for  learning,  were  conspicuous.  His  taste  was 
refined  by  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  an 
cient  classics,  and  his  soul  elevated  and  touched 
by  the  spirit  of  freedom  they  breathe.  His  com 
positions  during  this  period  also  prove,  that  he  was 
extensively  conversant  with  the  best  writers  of 
the  French  and  English  schools.  Above  all,  the 
genius  of  Shakspeare  seems  to  have  led  captive 
his  youthful  imagination.  Tn  his  writings,  quota- 


8 

tions,  or  forms  of  expression,  modelled  upon  those 
of  that  author,  perpetually  recur.  There  still  ex 
ists  among  his  papers,  a  manuscript  of  the  date 
of  1762,  he  then  being  in  the  junior  class  of  the 
college,  of  seventy  closely  and  minutely  written 
quarto  pages  of  extracts  from  that  writer. 

He  was  graduated  in  1763,  with  unblemished 
reputation.  Three  years  afterwards,  on  taking 
the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts,  he  pronounced  the 
English  oration,  at  that  time  a  new  thing  in  the 
exercises  of  the  University,  and  considered  its 
highest  academic  honor.  His  subject  was  "  pa 
triotism,"  and  it  appears  by  the  periodical  publi 
cations  of  the  day,  that  he  acquired,  both  on 
account  of  the  composition  and  delivery,  great 
reputation. 

From  the  University,  he  passed  in  1763,  into 
the  office  of  Oxenbridge  Thacher  Esq.  in  Boston, 
one  of  the  most  eminent  lawyers  of  the  period, 
and  entered  upon  the  study  of  the  law  with  that 
intense  ardour  and  industry,  which  were  his  dis 
tinguishing  characteristics.  Mr  Thacher  died  in 
July  1765.  Mr  Quincy  remained  in  the  office 
during  the  residue  of  his  student's  term,  took  a 
general  oversight  of  its  concerns,  and  on  entering 
his  professional  career,  succeeded  to  an  extensive 


practice,  which  his  talents,  diligence,  and  fidelity, 
in  a  great  measure,  secured  to  himself.  His  in 
dustry  while  a  student,  and  during  the  first  years 
of  his  profession,  is  proved  by  several  manuscript 
volumes,  in  his  own  hand,  consisting  of  "  Reports 
of  cases,  and  points  of  law,  solemnly  adjudged  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Province,"  part  of 
which  are  original,  and  part  copied  from  the  min 
utes  of  eminent  lawyers. 

The  arguments  of  Auchmuty,  Thacher,  Grid- 
ley,  Otis,  Adams,  and  other  distinguished  lawyers, 
with  the  cases  cited,  in  various  important  ques 
tions,  are  here  abstracted  and  preserved. 

On  commencing  the  practice  of  the  law,  he 
early  became  distinguished  for  the  zeal  with  which 
he  engaged  in  the  service  of  his  clients,  and  the 
learning  and  eloquence  of  his  arguments  both  to 
the  court  and  jury.  Otis,  Adams,  Sewall,  and 
the  other  great  luminaries  of  the  bar  at  that 
period,  were  by  many  years  his  seniors.  His 
practice,  however,  soon  became  extensive,  and  his 
high  rank  as  a  lawyer  was  acknowledged  by  his 
contemporaries.  Although  his  attachment  to  pro 
fessional  pursuits  was  strong,  and  his  attention  to 
his  business  unremitting,  yet  the  political  circum 
stances  of  the  times  were  of  a  character  to  call  into 
2 


10 

immediate  action  that  love  of  country,  which  was 
the  deep-seated  passion  of  his  soul. 

Notwithstanding  the  repeal  of  the    Stamp  Act. 
in  March  1766,    the  avowal  contained  in  that  re 
peal,  "  of  the  absolute  right  of  Parliament  to  bind 
the  Colonies,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,"  had  excit 
ed  great  alarm,  and  just    discontent,   among  the 
friends   of  liberty   in    America.      The   course    of 
measures  adopted  by  the  British  ministry  towards 
the    town    of   Boston,    tended    to    quicken    those 
fears,  and  extend  that  discontent.     In  the  autumn 
of   1766,  the  companies  of  Royal  Artillery,  then 
stationed   at  Castle  Island  in  the  harbour  of  this 
town,  were  augmented.      In  the  June   following, 
additional  reinforcements  arrived.     In  July  1767, 
the  British  cabinet  resolved  upon  new  restrictions 
on    American  commerce.       It  was  determined    to 
raise  a  farther  revenue   by  imposts,   additional   to 
those  already  existing,  and  which  were,  in  them 
selves,  sufficiently  obnoxious  and  oppressive.      The 
number  of  the  officers  of  the  customs   was  to  be 
multiplied.       The  governor,  judges,  and  revenue 
officers,  were   to  be   paid    by  the  crown,   without 
resort   to  the  colonial  legislature.      The   military 
force   in  the  colonies  was  largely  to  be  increased, 
and  the  power  of  the  military   commanders  to  be 


11 

augmented,  so  as  to  make  them  more  effective  in 
struments  in  putting  down  opposition , 

The  knowledge  of  this  revived    scheme  of  op 
pression,    reached    America  in   the   September   of 
that  year,  accompanied  by  letters  from  the  friends 
of  American    liberty    in    Europe,    stating   that   it 
was  the  intention  of  the  administration   to  cause 
the   authors  of  the   riots,  and   the  writers  of  the 
seditious  pieces  in   America,   to  be   arrested   and 
sent   to   England    to   be   tried    for   high    treason. 
This  news  rekindled  the  flame  which  the  repeal  of 
the  Stamp  Act  had,  in  some  degree,  allayed.     The 
public  prints  became   immediately  the  vehicles  of 
the  boldest  language,  and   the  most  vivid  excite 
ment.     At   this  time,  Mr   Quincy,  as   far  as  can 
be  gathered  from  his  papers,  first  commenced  his 
political    animadversions   on   the  times,   and  their 
resulting   duties.     Two  pieces,   signed  Hyperion, 
were   published  by   him  in   the   Boston   Gazette, 
in  the  latter  end  of  September,  and  the  beginning 
of  October,   1767.     The  following  extracts    will 
show  both  the  temper  of  the  times,  and  the  spirit 
of  the  writer. 


"  It  cannot  be 

But  we  are  pigeon-livered,  and  lack  gall 
To  make  oppression  bitter/' 

"  When  I  reflect  on  the  exalted  character  of 
the  ancient  Britons,  on  the  fortitude  of  our  illustri 
ous  predecessors,  on  the  noble  struggles  of  the  late 
memorable  period,  and  from  these  reflections, 
when,  by  a  natural  transition,  I  contemplate  the 
gloomy  aspect  of  the  present  day,  my  heart  is 
alternately  torn  with  doubt  and  hope,  despond 
ency  and  terror.  Can  the  true,  generous  magna 
nimity  of  British  heroes  be  entirely  lost  in  their 
degenerate  progeny  ?  Is  the  genius  of  Liberty, 
which  so  late  inflamed  our  bosoms,  fled  forever  ? 

"  An  attentive  observer  of  the  deportment  of 
some  particular  persons  in  this  metropolis,  would 
be  apt  to  imagine  that  the  grand  point  was  gained  ; 
that  the  spirit  of  the  people  was  entirely  broken 
to  the  yoke  ;  that  all  America  was  subjugated  to 
bondage.  Already  the  minions  of  power,  in  fancy 
fatten,  and  grow  wanton  on  the  spoils  of  the  land. 
They  insolently  toss  the  head,  and  put  on  the  air  of 
contemptuous  disdain.  In  the  imaginary  possess 
ion  of  lordships  and  dominions,  these  potentates 
and  powers  dare  tell  us,  that  our  only  hope  is  to 
crouch,  to  cowl  under,  and  to  kiss  the  iron  rod  of 


18 

oppression.  Precious  sample  of  the  meek  and 
lowly  temper  of  those,  who  are  destined  to  be  our 
lords  and  masters  ! 

"  Be  not  deceived,  my  countrymen.  Believe 
not  these  venal  hirelings  when  they  would  cajole 
you  by  their  subtleties  into  submission,  or  frighten 
you  by  their  vapourings  into  compliance.  When 
they  strive  to  flatter  you  by  the  terms  '  modera 
tion  and  prudence,'  tell  them,  that  calmness  and 
deliberation  arc  to  guide  the  judgment  ;  courage 
and  intrepidity  command  the  action.  When 
they  endeavour  to  make  us  '  perceive  our  inability 
to  oppose  our  mother  country,'  let  us  boldly  an 
swer  :  In  defence  of  our  civil  and  religious  rights, 
we  dare  oppose  the  world  ;  with  the  God  of  armies 
on  our  side,  even  the  God  who  fought  our  fathers' 
battles,  we  fear  not  the  hour  of  trial,  though  the 
hosts  of  our  enemies  should  cover  the  field  like 
locusts.  If  this  be  enthusiasm,  we  will  live  and 
die  enthusiasts. 

"  Blandishments  will  not  fascinate  us,  nor  will 
threats  of  a  '  halter'  intimidate.  For  under  God, 
we  are  determined,  that  wheresoever,  whenso 
ever,  or  howsoever,  we  shall  be  called  to  make 
our  exit,  we  will  die  freemen.  Well  do  we 
know  that  all  the  regalia  of  this  world  cannot 


14 

dignify  the  death  of  a  villain,  nor  diminish  the: 
ignominy,  with  which  a  slave  shall  quit  his  exis 
tence.  Neither  can  it  taint  the  unblemished  hon 
our  of  a  son  of  freedom,  though  he  should  make 
his  departure  on  the  already  prepared  gibbet,  or 
be  dragged  to  the  newly  erected  scaffold  for  exe 
cution.  With  the  plaudits  of  his  conscience  he 
will  go  off  the  stage.  A  crown  of  joy  and  im 
mortality  shall  be  his  reward.  The  history  of  his 
life  his  children  shall  venerate.  The  virtues  of 
their  sire  shall  excite  their  emulation." 

Other  political  essays,  breathing  the  same  spirit, 
and  tending  to  rouse  the  indignation  of  his  coun 
trymen,  at  the  measures  of  the  British  cabinet, 
wrere  published  by  him  in  the  Boston  Gazette,  in 
the  course  of  the  ensuing  year.  A  letter  written 
about  this  time  to  one  of  his  friends,  strongly 
depicts  his  feelings,  and  indicates  the  absorbing 
influence,  with  which  the  enthusiasm  of  the  period 
had  possessed  his  heart  and  understanding. 


15 

10    THE    REV.    JOHN    EAGLESON. 

"Boston,  Sept.  15,  1768. 
%<  Respected  Sir, 

"  Your  friendly  letter  came  to  hand  a  few  days 
since,  and  a  leisure  moment  now  presenting,  I 
with  pleasure  seize  the  opportunity  of  writing  to 
you.  The  rights  and  liberties  of  Americans  be 
come  every  day  more  and  more  the  serious  object 
of  attention.  As  political  disputation  increases,  a 
settlement  of  the  point  in  question  removes  far 
ther  and  farther  from  the  design  of  both  parties. 
Private  pique,  envy,  and  personal  resentment  soon 
preclude  a  fair  and  candid  discussion,  and  in 
temperate  passions  will  forever  prevent  any  equit 
able  decision. 

"  The  present  aspect  of  the  day  is  gloomy  in 
deed,  yet  we  are  far  from  despair.  Though  the 
clouds,  full  charged,  rise  thick  and  fast,  the  thun 
ders  roll,  and  lightnings  play,  nay,  it  is  said,  are 
just  within  striking  distance,  there  are  not  want 
ing  those  among  us,  who  believe  that  proper 
conductors  will  safely  carry  off  all  the  political 
fluid,  the  clouds  disperse,  and  the  sky  soon  be 
come  calm  and  serene.  Visionaries,  you  know, 
are  credulous,  enthusiasts  are  bold  and  enterpris 
ing  ;  many  such,  Mr  Eagleson  is  sensible,  inhabit 
these  northern  regions. 


16 

"  We  Americans  have  a  righteous  cause.  We 
know  it.  The  power  of  Great  Britain  may  op 
press,  nay,  for  a  time  apparently  subdue  us.  But, 
before  all  the  freeborn  sons  of  the  north  will 
yield  a  general  and  united  submission,  to  any 
tyrannic  power  on  earth,  fire  and  sword,  famine 
and  slaughter,  desolation  and  ruin,  will  ravage 
the  land.  When  thus  I  venture,  without  any  pre 
tence  to  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  at  a  hasty  predic 
tion,  you  will  probably  smile  at  my  reverie.  But 
you  know,  political  dreamers  are  the  most  ob 
stinate,  and  incorrigible,  of  all  sinners.  You 
will  see,  by  our  public  prints,  the  late  transactions 
of  this  town,  and  the  situation  that  we  are  in  at 
present.  Daily  in  the  expectation  of  troops : 
some  say  three  regiments,  and  three  ships  of  the 
line.  Opinions  differ  respecting  what  ought,  and 
what  will  be,  the  deportment  of  this  people.  On 
the  one  hand,  a  swarm  of  court  dependants,  and 
a  standing  army  in  the  bowels  of  a  state,  have 
been  in  all  ages,  and  nations,  thought,  and  found 
to  be,  the  bane  of  civil  freedom.  On  the  other, 
an  open  rupture  with  Great  Britain  (I  had  like  to 
have  said  mother  state),  is  a  dreadful  alternative. 

"  But  oar  all  is  at  stake !  The  pulse  of  the 
people  beats  high,  and  it  may  well  be  imagined. 


17 

that  in  our  present  state,  all  ranks  among  us  are 
much  agitated.  This  therefore  may  apologize  for 
my  not  being  in  a  facetious,  and  proper  frame 
of  mind,  to  answer  some  parts  of  your  entertain 
ing  letter.  To  see  the  daily  blunders  which  are 
committed,  and  the  deep  tragedy  which  is  now 
acting,  on  the  political  theatre,  and  not  to  be 
moved,  is  to  be  an  unfeeling  wretch  indeed.  If 
the  contempt  and  indignation  of  every  sensible 
and  humane  man  in  Christendom,  were  sufficient 
to  explode  a  political  system,  there  would  be 
some  hopes  of  seeing  <  Venice  Preserved  and  the 
Plot  Discovered.5  " 

About  the  last  of  September  of  this  year,  two 
British  regiments,  the  14th  under  the  command  of 
Colonel   Dalrymple,    and  the  29th   under  that  of 
Lieut.  Colonel  Carr,  arrived  in  Boston  from  Hali 
fax.     They  were   landed  from  fourteen  ships  of 
war,  which  lay  with  their  broadsides  towards  the 
town,  with  springs  on  their  cables,  and  their  guns 
ready  to  fire,  in  case  of  the  least  opposition.    With 
muskets   charged,  bayonets  fixed,  drums  beating, 
fifes  playing,  and  a  complete  train  of  artillery,  the 
troops  took  possession  of  the  common,  the  state- 
house,  the  court-house,  and  Faneuil  halj.      The 
3 


18 

main-guard,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  was  sta 
tioned  at  the  state-house,  with  their  guns  pointed 
towards  it.  The  town  wore  the  aspect  of  a  gar 
rison.  Counsellors,  as  they  entered  the  council- 
chamber,  citizens,  as  they  passed  and  repassed 
on  their  private  business,  were  challenged  by  sen 
tinels. 

It  was  at  this  moment,  and  under  such  a  state 
of  terror  and  danger,  that  Mr  Quincy  published 
"  Hyperion  "  in  the  Boston  Gazette  of  the  third  of 
October.  As  it  is  strongly  indicative  of  the 
temper  of  that  most  eventful  moment,  as  well  as 
eminently  characteristic  of  the  mind  and  feelings 
of  the  writer,  it  will  be  here  published  entire. 

"  <  The  aggregated  judgment  of  the  common  peo 
ple,'  says  an  eminent  writer,  <  discerns  most  truly 
the  errors  of  government,  forasmuch  as  they  are 
the  first  to  be  sure  to  smart  under  them.  In  this 
only  they  come  to  be  shortsighted  ;  that  though 
they  know  the  diseases,  they  understand  not  the 
remedies,  and  though  good  patients,  they  are  ill 
physicians.' 

"  What  are  the  present  sentiments  of  the  inhab 
itants  of  North  America  ?  Discern  they  not  most 
truly,  and  smart  they  not  most  severely  under  the 


19 

errors  of  government  ?  The  disease  is  known  and 
felt ;  but  where  is  the  remedy, — Avhere  is  the  phy 
sician  ?  For  the  people  to  ask  counsel  is  deemed 
treasonable  ;  to  assemble  themselves  to  consult,  is 
denominated  rebellion.  Thus  would  some  poten- 
tates  terrify  mankind  with  a  few  sounding,  technic 
al  expressions.  It  has  been  found  in  all  ages  diffi 
cult  to  persuade  men,  by  the  most  refined  court- 
chicane,  out  of  their  reason  ;  and  tyrants  have  ever 
found  it  impossible  to  argue,  sooth,  or  frighten  the 
common  people  out  of  their  feelings.  It  is  truly 
strange  to  hear  the  arguments,  and  see  the  parade 
of  some  at  this  day.  One  would  from  their  con 
duct  be  induced  to  imagine,  they  thought  it  the 
most  likely  way  of  dispiriting  the  people,  to  render 
their  case  irremediable.  Certainly  such  politicians 
have  little  studied  the  volume  of  nature.  A  nation, 
not  as  yet  entirely  enervated  by  luxury,  not  wholly 
depressed  by  slavery,  when  reduced  to  despair, 
are  invincible  to  a  proverb. 

"  After  what  has  been  said  and  wrote  on  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic,  upon  colony-affairs  ;  after  the 
most  perspicuous  demonstration  of  the  illegality 
and  ill-policy  of  the  measures  pursued  against  this 
continent ;  it  would  be  an  affront  to  the  under 
standing  to  attempt  setting  the  matter  in  a  clearer 


20 

point  of  view.  The  meanest  capacity  must  per 
ceive,  the  remotest  peasant  in  the  wilds  of  Ameri 
ca  must  feel,  the  consequences. 

"  British  taxations,  suspensions  of  legislatures, 
and  standing  armies,  are  but  some  of  the  clouds, 
which  overshadow  the  northern  world.  Heaven 
grant  that  a  grand  constellation  of  virtues  may 
shine  forth  with  redoubled  lustre,  and  enlighten 
this  gloomy  hemisphere  ! 

"  If  ever  there  was  a  time,  this  is  the  hour,  for 
Americans  to  rouse  themselves,  and  exert  every 
ability.  Their  all  is  at  a  hazard,  and  the  die  of 
fate  spins  doubtful !  In  vain  do  we  talk  of  mag 
nanimity  and  heroism,  in  vain  do  we  trace  a  de 
scent  from  the  worthies  of  the  earth,  if  we  inherit 
not  the  spirit  of  our  ancestors.  Who  is  he,  who 
boastcth  of  his  patriotism  ?  Has  he  vanquished 
luxury,  and  subdued  the  worldly  pride  of  his  heart? 
Is  he  not  yet  drinking  the  poisonous  draught,  and 
rolling  the  sweet  morsel  under  his  tongue  ?  He, 
who  cannot  conquer  the  little  vanity  of  his  heart, 
and  deny  the  delicacy  of  a  debauched  palate,  let 
him  lay  his  hand  upon  his  mouth,  and  his  mouth 
in  the  dust. 

"Now  is  the  time  for  this  people  to  summon 
every  aid,  human  and  divine;  to  exhibit  every 


21 

moral  virtue,  and  call  forth  every  Christian  grace. 
The  wisdom  of  the  serpent,  the  innocence  of  the 
dove,  and  the  intrepidity  of  the  lion,  with  the 
blessing  of  God,  will  yet  save  us  from  the  jaws 
of  destruction. 

"  Where  is  the  boasted  liberty  of  Englishmen, 
if  property  may  be  disposed  of,  charters  suspend 
ed,  assemblies  dissolved,  and  every  valued  right 
annihilated,  at  the  uncontrollable  will  of  an  ex 
ternal  power  ?  Does  not  every  man,  who  feels 
one  ethereal  spark  yet  glowing  in  his  bosom,  find 
his  indignation  kindle,  at  the  bare  imagination  of 
such  wrongs  ?  What  would  be  our  sentiments, 
were  this  imagination  realized  ? 

"  Did  the  blood  of  the  ancient  Britons  swell 
our  veins,  did  the  spirit  of  our  forefathers  inhabit 
our  breasts,  should  we  hesitate  a  moment  in  pre 
ferring  death,  to  a  miserable  existence  in  bondage  ? 
Did  we  reflect  on  their  toils,  their  dangers,  their 
fiery  trials,  the  thought  would  inspire  unconquer 
able  courage. 

"  Who  has  the  front  to  ask,  Wherefore  do  you 
complain  ?  Who  dares  assert,  every  thing  worth 
living  for  is  not  lost,  when  a  nation  is  enslaved  ? 
Are  not  pensioners,  stipendiaries,  and  salary  men, 
(unknown  before,)  hourly  multiplying  on  us,  to 


22 

riot  in  the  spoils  of  miserable  America  ?  Does 
not  every  eastern  gale  waft  us  some  new  insect, 
even  of  that  devouring  kind,  which  eat  up  every 
green  thing.  Is  not  the  bread  taken  out  of  the 
children's  mouths  and  given  unto  the  dogs  ?  Are 
not  our  estates  given  to  corrupt  sycophants,  with 
out  a  design,  or  even  a  pretence  of  soliciting  our 
assent,  and  our  lives  put  into  the  hands  of  those 
whose  tender  mercies  are  cruelties  ?  Has  not  an 
authority  in  a  distant  land,  in  the  most  public 
manner,  proclaimed  a  right  of  disposing  of  the  all 
of  Americans  ?  In  short,  what  have  we  to  lose — 
what  have  we  to  fear  ?  Are  not  our  distresses 
more  than  we  can  bear  ;  and  to  finish  all,  are 
not  our  cities,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  rilled 
with  standing  armies,  to  preclude  us  from  that 
last  solace  of  the  wretched — to  open  their  mouths 
in  complaint,  and  send  forth  their  cries  in  bitter 
ness  of  heart  ? 

"  But  is  there  no  ray  of  hope  ?  Is  not  Great 
Britain  inhabited  by  the  children  of  those  renown 
ed  barons,  who  waded  through  seas  of  crimson 
gore  to  establish  their  liberty  ;  and  will  they  not 
allow  us,  their  fellow  men,  to  enjoy  that  freedom, 
which  we  claim  from  nature,  which  is  confirmed 
by  our  constitution,  and  which  they  pretend  so 


23 

highly  to  value  ?  Were  a  tyrant  to  conquer  us, 
the  chains  of  slavery,  when  opposition  should 
become  useless,  might  be  supportable  ;  but  to  be 
shackled  by  Englishmen, — by  our  equals, — is 
not  to  be  borne  ! 

"  By  the  sweat  of  our  brow,  we  earn  the  little 
we  possess  ;  from  nature  we  derive  the  common 
rights  of  man  ; — and  by  charter  we  claim  the  liber 
ties  of  Britons  !  Shall  we, — dare  we, — pusillani- 
mously  surrender  our  birthright  ?  Is  the  obliga 
tion  to  our  fathers  discharged,  is  the  debt  we  owe 
posterity  paid  ?  Answer  me,  thou  coward  f  who 
hidest  thyself  in  the  hour  of  trial !  If  there  is  no 
reward  in  this  life,  no  prize  of  glory  in  the  next, 
capable  of  animating  thy  dastard  soul  ;  think  and 
tremble,  thou  miscreant !  at  the  whips  and  stripes 
thy  master  shall  lash  thee  with  on  earth, — and  the 
flames,  and  scorpions,  thy  second  master  shall 
torment  thee  with  hereafter  ! 

"  Oh,  my  countrymen  !  what  will  our  children 
say,  when  they  read  the  history  of  these  times, 
should  they  find  we  tamely  gave  away,  without 
one  noble  struggle,  the  most  invaluable  of  earthly 
blessings  ?  As  they  drag  the  galling  chain,  will 
they  not  execrate  us?  If  we  have  any  respect 
for  things  sacred  ;  any  regard  to  the  dearest  treas- 


ure  on  earth ; — if  we  have  one  tender  sentiment 
for  posterity  ;  if  we  would  not  be  despised  by  the 
whole  world  ; — let  us,  in  the  most  open,  solemn 
manner,  and  with  determined  fortitude,  swear, — 
we  will  die, — if  we  cannot  live  freemen  ! 

"  Be  not  lulled,  my  countrymen,  with  vain 
imaginations,  or  idle  fancies.  To  hope  for  the 
protection  of  Heaven,  without  doing  our  duty, 
and  exerting  ourselves  as  becomes  men,  is  to  mock 
the  Deity.  Wherefore  had  man  his  reason,  if  it 
were  not  to  direct  him  ?  Wherefore  his  strength, 
if  it  be  not  his  protection  ?  To  banish  folly  and 
luxury,  correct  vice  and  immorality,  and  stand 
immoveable  in  the  freedom,  in  which  we  are  free 
indeed,  is  eminently  the  duty  of  each  individual, 
at  this  day.  When  this  is  done,  wre  may  rational 
ly  hope  for  an  answer  to  our  prayers  ;  for  the 
whole  counsel  of  God,  and  the  invincible  armour 
of  the  Almighty. 

"  However  righteous  our  cause,  we  cannot,  in 
this  period  of  the  world,  expect  a  miraculous  sal 
vation.  Heaven  will  undoubtedly  assist  us,  if  we 
act  like  men  ;  but  to  expect  protection  from  above, 
while  we  are  enervated  by  luxury,  and  slothful  in 
the  exertion  of  those  abilities  with  which  we  are 
endued,  is  an  expectation  vain  and  foolish.  With 


25 

the  smiles  of  Heaven,  virtue,  unanimity,  and  firm 
ness  will  insure  success.  While  we  have  equity, 
justice,  and  God,  on  our  side,  Tyranny,  spiritual 
or  temporal,  shall  never  ride  triumphant  in  a  land 
inhabited  by  Englishmen." 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter,  written  to 
his  father,  in  December,  1768,  on  a  subject  of 
personal  interest,  marks  how  deeply  the  love  of 
independence  was  impressed  upon  his  heart ;  and 
how  consistent  were  the  principles  of  his  private 
and  public  life. 

"  An  independency,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word,  I  know  is  not  the  lot  of  man  ;  but  to  re 
strain,  to  a  certain  degree,  the  instability  of  for 
tune,  is  much  in  our  power.  So  far  then,  an  in 
dependence  is  attainable.  Let  those,  w^ho  will, 
laugh  at  the  paltry  certainty  which  is  to  be  gained. 
Surely,  it  would  be  some  alleviation  under  the 
pressure  of  misfortune,  to  think,  that  our  own  follv 
and  rashness  contributed  in  no  part  to  the  heavy 
burden.  Alas  !  how  few  of  the  sons  of  men  have 
this  happy  consolation.  Hence,  most  of  those 
idle  and  vague  declamations,  which  we  so  often 
hear,  upon  the  fickleness  and  inconstancy  of  for- 
i 


26 

tune.  When  thoroughly  examined,  the  grand 
source  is  found  in  the  hasty  presumption  of  a  fool 
ish  vanity,  or  the  weak  irresolution  of  a  vicious 
heart.  To  apply  for  assistance,  where  my  own 
foresight  might  have  prevented  the  necessity, 
would  be  to  me  worse  than  death.  Early  in  life, 
I  was  fixed ;  experience  has  confirmed  me,  to  suf 
fer  every  stroke  of  adversity,  let  it  be  as  severe 
as  even  imagination  can  paint,  ere  I  would  implore 
any  earthly  relief  from  distress,  against  which  my 
own  prudence  might  have  armed  me.  To  ask 
assistance,  where,  if  it  were  declined,  your  re 
doubled  efforts  would  supply  your  exigence,  is 
the  daily  course  of  human  affairs  ;  but  to  seek  re 
lief,  where  a  denial  reduces  you  to  despair,  would 
be  torment  beyond  expression. 

"  Through  your  watchful  care  of  my  education 
and  your  kind  munificence,  I  am  out  of  a  tempta 
tion  to  the  meaner  vices,  and  in  that  state,  which 
to  one  of  my  temper,  is  the  happiest  human  na 
ture  can  boast,  an  independency,  save  on  God 
and  myself,  for  a  decent  support  through  life, 
and  the  hope  of  quitting  the  stage  with  that  best 
human  standard  of  true  worth,  the  general  appro 
bation  of  my  countrymen.  How  deeply  my  heart 
is  affected,  by  those  invaluable  favours,  is  not  for 


27 

profession  to  convince  you,   but  will  be,    I   trust, 
best  manifested  by  the  uniform  tenor  of  my  life." 

The  political  course  of  Mr  Quincy  having  ren 
dered  him  obnoxious  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
province,  he  was  omitted  in  the  distribution  of 
the  honours  of  the  gown,  which  was  due  to  his 
rank  and  standing  at  the  bar.  This  circum 
stance  is  thus  noticed  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his 
manuscript  Law  Reports. 

"  August  1769.  At  the  last  sitting  of  the  Su 
preme  Court  in  Charlestown,  I  argued  (for  the 
first  time  in  this  Court)  to  the  jury,  though  not 
admitted  to  the  gown  ;  the  legality  and  propriety 
of  which,  some  have  pretended  to  doubt.  But 
as  no  scruples  of  that  kind  disturbed  me,  I  pro 
ceeded  (maugre  any)  to  manage  all  my  own  busi 
ness  (for  the  first  time  also  in  this  county,) 
though  unsanctified,  and  uninspired  by  the  pomp 
and  magic  of the  Long  Robe." 

At  this  period  his  professional  engagements 
became  so  extensive,  as  often  to  preclude  him 
from  any  particular  oversight  of  the  publication  of 
his  political  essays.  A  direction  to  the  printers. 


28 

which  appears  on  some  of  his  original  manuscript-. 
— u  Let  Samuel  Adams  Esq.  correct  the  press," — 
indicates  the  mutual  respect  and  intimacy,  which 
subsisted  between  them,  and  which  continued 
uninterrupted  until  his  death.  Notwithstanding 
the  multiplicity  of  his  professional  avocations,  and 
his  ardent  zeal  in  exciting  and  directing  the 
political  energies  of  his  countrymen,  his  literary 
pursuits  were  never  relinquished.  His  manu 
scripts  and  common-place  books  prove  how  deeply 
he  was  imbued  with  the  love  of  letters.  His 
library,  whicli  was  extensive  for  that  period,  was 
destroyed  by  fire,  about  ten  years  after  his  death  ; 
a  loss  the  more  to  be  regretted,  as  the  few  volumes 
which  escaped,  show  that  his  practice  W7as  to 
read  with  his  pen  in  his  hand,  and  to  record  in 
the  margin  or  blank  pages,  by  W7ay  of  reference, 
or  remark,  cither  his  own  thoughts,  or  the  parallel 
thoughts  of  other  writers,  which  reading  recalled 
to  his  memory. 

In  October  1769,  he  married  the  eldest  daugh 
ter  of  William  Phillips  Esq.,  at  that  time  one  of 
the  most  eminent  merchants  in  New  England  ; 
and  who,  jn  the  crisis  of  the  country,  whicji 
succeeded,  was  distinguished  by  the  readiness, 
and  the  amount,  with  which,  in  the  most  perilous 


29 

and  dubious  periods  of  the  controversy,  he  con 
tributed  to  its  support.  In  this  connexion,  the 
result  of  an  early  attachment,  Mr  Quincy  found 
a  companion,  possessed  of  an  intellect  and  spirit, 
capable  of  appreciating  and  supporting  his  own 
character  and  virtues.  During  his  life  she  was 
the  confidant  of  his  noble  views,  and  entering, 
with  like  ardour,  into  his  political  course,  cheer 
fully  submitted  to  the  privations  it  induced,  en 
couraging  him  with  all  her  influence  to  risk  the 
perils  to  which  his  open,  undisguised  zeal  in  the 
cause  of  his  country,  at  that  time,  were  thought  to 
expose  him  and  his  family.  She  survived  her 
husband  three  and  twenty  years  ;  his  fame  and 
memory  being  the  chief  solace  of  her  life  ;  and 
the  perfect  fulfilment  of  parental  duty  to  their 
surviving  child,  its  only  object. 

Among  his  original  papers  for  the  year  1770, 
are  "  An  address  of  the  merchants,  traders,  and 
freeholders  of  the  town  of  Boston,  assembled  at 
Faneuil  Hall,  January  23,  1770,  for  the  purpose 
of  enforcing  the  non-importation  act :"  two -essays, 
signed,  "  An  Independent,"  published  in  the 
Boston  Gazette  on  the  12lh  and  26th  of  Febru 
ary  1770  :  another  signed  "  An  Old  Man," 
published  in  the  Boston  Gazette  of  August  6, 


30 

1770  :  and  the  "  Report  of  a  committee  appointed 
to  draw  up  instructions,  for  the  representatives  of 
the  town  of  Boston,  and  which  was  unanimously 
accepted  by  the  inhabitants,  15th  May,  1770." 
The  original  draft  of  this  report  in  the  hand 
writing  of  Mr  Quincy,  signed  by  Richard  Dana, 
and  attested  by  William  Cooper,  town  clerk, 
exists  among  his  papers. 

The  boldness  of  his  political  course  may  be 
estimated  by  a  single  paragraph  extracted  from 
one  of  the  above  mentioned  essays,  styled  "  The 
Independatit,"  and  published  on  the  12th  of  Feb 
ruary,  while  Boston  was  in  a  state  little  short  of 
a  garrison,  and  only  twenty  days  previous  to  the 
Boston  massacre. 

"  In  answer  to  the  question,  '  What  end  is  the 
non-importation  agreement  to  answer  ?'  I  give  the 
following  reply. 

"  From  a  conviction  in  my  own  mind,  that 
America  is  now  the  slave  of  Britain ;  from  a 
sense  that  we  are  every  day  more  and  more  in 
danger  of  an  increase  of  our  burdens,  and  a  fast 
ening  of  our  shackles,  I  wish  to  see  my  country 
men  break  off, off  forever  ! — all  social  inter 
course  with  those,  whose  commerce  contaminates, 


31 

whose  luxuries  poison,  whose  avarice  is  insatiable, 
and  whose  unnatural  oppressions  are  not  to  be 
borne.  That  Americans  will  know  their  rights, 
that  they  will  resume,  assert,  and  defend  them,  are 
matters  of  which  I  harbour  no  doubt.  Whether 
the  arts  of  policy,  or  the  arts  of  war  will  decide 
the  contest,  are  problems,  we  will  solve  at  a  more 
convenient  season.  He,  whose  heart  is  enamour 
ed  with  the  refinements  of  political  artifice  and 
finesse,  will  seek  one  mode  of  relief ;  he  whose 
heart  is  free,  honest,  and  intrepid,  will  pursue  a- 
nother,  a  bolder,  and  more  noble  mode  of  redress. 
This  reply  is  so  intelligible,  that  it  needs  no 
comment,  or  explanation.5' 

It  was  scarcely  to  be  anticipated  that  one,  who 
could  discern  thus  clearly,  and  display  thus  bold 
ly,  the  inevitable  crisis  which  ensued,  should  be 
one  of  the  selected  judicial  defenders  of  those, 
who  were  the  instruments  in  shedding  the  first 
blood,  that  flowed  in  the  contest  which  terminated 
in  American  Independence. 

The  tragedy  of  the  5th  of  March  1770,  de 
nominated,  in  the  language  of  that  period,  "  The 
Boston  Massacre,"  had  wrought  the  whole  people 
of  Massachusetts,  and  above  all  the  inhabitants  of 


32 

Boston,  to  the  highest  pitch  of  rage  and  indigna 
tion.  The  populace  breathed  only  vengeance. 
Even  minds  better  instructed,  and  of  higher  prin 
ciples  than  the  multitude,  in  the  excitement  of 
the  moment,  could  not  endure  the  doctrine,  that 
it  was  possible  for  an  armed  soldiery  to  fire  upon 
and  kill  unarmed  citizens,  and  commit  a  crime 
less  than  murder.  Political  animosity  and  natur 
al  antipathy  to  troops  stationed  in  the  metropolis, 
sharpened  this  vindictive  spirit.  The  friends  of 
the  government  were  either  silent,  or  only  ex 
pressed  regret  and  lamentation  at  the  event. 
The  friends  of  freedom  were  loud  in  their  indig 
nation,  and  clamorous  for  that  justice  which 
declares,  that  "  blood  shall  be  the  penalty  for 
blood." 

Among  those,  who  sympathized  most  deeply 
with  the  mass  of  his  fellow-citizens,  in  their  ha 
tred  of  the  instruments  of  their  oppressions,  and 
in  their  detestation  of  the  principles  they  had  been 
sent  hither  to  maintain,  was  Josiah  Quincy  Jun. 
No  one  had  more  openly,  or  pathetically  than  he, 
appealed  to  his  fellow-citizens,  or  had  more  studi 
ously  excited  their  resentment,  both  in  the  ga 
zettes,  and  in  Faneuil  hall,  against  the  troops  and 
their  employers.  What  then  must  have  been  his 


33 

surprise,  to  find  that  Captain  Preston,  and  the 
accused  soldiers,  had  selected  him  as  one  of  their 
defenders  !  On  the  day  of  Captain  Preston's 
imprisonment,  that  officer  sent  for  him  to  the  jail, 
and  solicited  his  engagement  in  his  own  behalf, 
and  in  that  of  the  soldiers.  To  understand  the 
difficulty  of  Mr  Quincy's  situation,  it  is  necessary 
to  realize  the  exasperated  state  of  public  feeling. 
The  spirit  of  revenge  glowed  with  a  fervour  al 
most  universal.  On  the  one  hand  were  the  obli 
gations  of  humanity,  official  duty,  and  the  strong 
desire  that  justice  should  not  fall  a  sacrifice  in  her 
own  temple,  to  the  passions  of  the  moment.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  confidence  of  political  friends, 
popularity,  and  that  general  affection  which  his 
public  course  had  attained  for  him,  in  so  remarka 
ble  a  degree,  among  his  fellow-citizens,  were  to 
be  hazarded.  These  difficulties  and  dangers  he 
shared  with  his  intimate  friend  and  copatriot,  John 
Adams,  who,  being  several  years  his  senior,  both 
in  age  and  at  the  bar,  was  joined  with  him  as 
elder  counsel.  Their  mutual  friendship,  cemented 
by  professional  and  patriotic  labours,  terminated 
only  with  life.  After  deliberation  and  consulta 
tion  with  each  other,  and  their  friends,  both  of  these 
patriots  yielded  all  personal  considerations  to  the 
5 


34 

higher  obligations  of  humanity  and  official  duty. 
They  braved  the  fury  of  the  moment ;  and  inter 
posed  their  learning,  talents,  and  well-earned  in 
fluence,  to  that  torrent  of  passions,  which,  for  a 
time,  threatened  to  bear  down  the  landmarks  of 
justice. 

Gordon  states,  that  "  they  offended  several  of 
their  own  party  by  undertaking  the  defence  of  the 
prisoners."*  This,  however,  gives  but  a  faint 
idea  of  the  actual  state  of  feeling  which  these  two 
gentlemen  had  to  encounter  on  the  occasion.  The 
following  extracts  from  a  correspondence,  which 
parental  affection  and  anxiety  induced  Mr  Quincy's 
father  to  commence,  will  indicate  the  nature  and 
extent  of  the  sentiment  prevalent  at  that  period 
on  the  subject. 

TO  JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN.,  BOSTON. 

"  Braintree,  March  22,  1770. 
"  My  dear  Son, 

"  I  am  under  great  affliction,  at  hearing 
the  bitterest  reproaches  uttered  against  you,  for 
having  become  an  advocate  for  those  criminals 
who  are  charged  with  the  murder  of  their  fellow- 

*  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  i.  p.  291. 


35 

citizens.     Good  God  !    Is  it  possible  ?    I  will  not 
believe  it. 

"  Just  before  I  returned  home  from  Boston,  I 
knew,  indeed,  that  on  the  day  those  criminals 
were  committed  to  prison,  a  sergeant  had  inquired 
for  you  at  your  brother's  house, — but  I  had  no 
apprehension  that  it  was  possible  an  application 
would  be  made  to  you  to  undertake  their  defence. 
Since  then  I  have  been  told  that  you  have  actual 
ly  engaged  for  Captain  Preston  ; — and  I  have 
heard  the  severest  reflections  made  upon  the  occa 
sion,  by  men  who  had  just  before  manifested  the 
highest  esteem  for  you,  as  one  destined  to  be  a 
saviour  of  your  country. 

"  I  must  own  to  you,  it  has  filled  the  bosom  of 
your  aged  and  infirm  parent  with  anxiety  and  dis 
tress,  lest  it  should  not  only  prove  true,  but  de 
structive  of  your  reputation  and  interest  ;  and  I 
repeat,  I  will  not  believe  it,  unless  it  be  confirmed 
by  your  own  mouth,  or  under  your  own  hand. 
"  Your  anxious  and  distressed  parent, 

"  JOSIAH  QuiNCY." 


36 

TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY    ESQ.,    BRAINTREE. 

"Boston,  March  26,  1770. 
"Honoured  Sir, 

"  I  have  little  leisure,  and  less  inclination  either 
to  know,  or  to  take  notice,  of  those  ignorant  slan 
derers,  who  have  dared  to  utter  their  "  bitter  re 
proaches"  in  your  hearing  against  me,  for  having 
become  an  advocate  for  criminals  charged  with 
murder.  But  the  sting  of  reproach  when  enven 
omed  only  by  envy  and  falsehood,  will  never 
prove  mortal.  Before  pouring  their  reproaches 
into  the  ear  of  the  aged  and  infirm,  if  they  had 
been  friends,  they  would  have  surely  spared  a  lit 
tle  reflection  on  the  nature  of  an  attorney's  oath, 
and  duty  ; — some  trifling  scrutiny  into  the  busi 
ness  and  discharge  of  his  office,  and  some  small 
portion  of  patience  in  viewing  my  past  and  future 
conduct. 

"  Let  such  be  told,  Sir,  that  these  criminals, 
charged  with  murder,  are  not  yet  legally  proved 
guilty,  and  therefore,  however  criminal,  are  en 
titled,  by  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  to  all  legal 
counsel  and  aid  ;  that  my  duty  as  a  man  obliged 
me  to  undertake ;  that  my  duty  as  a  lawyer 
strengthened  the  obligation  ;  that  from  abundant 
caution,  I  at  first  declined  being  engaged  ;  that 


37 

after  the  best  advice,  and  most  mature  delibera 
tion  had  determined  my  judgment,  I  waited  on 
Captain  Preston,  and  told  him  that  I  would  afford 
him  my  assistance  ;  but,  prior  to  this,  in  presence 
of  two  of  his  friends,  I  made  the  most  explicit 
declaration  to  him,  of  my  real  opinion,  on  the 
contests  (as  I  expressed  it  to  him)  of  the  times, 
and  that  my  heart  and  hand  were  indissolubly 
attached  to  the  cause  of  my  country ;  and  final 
ly,  that  I  refused  all  engagement,  until  advised 
and  urged  to  undertake  it,  by  an  Adams,  a  Han 
cock,  a  Molineux,  a  Gushing,  a  Henshaw,  a 
Pemberton,  a  Warren,  a  Cooper,  and  a  Phillips. 
This  and  much  more  might  be  told  with  great 
truth,  and  I  dare  affirm,  that  you,  and  this  whole 
people  will  one  day  REJOICE,  that  I  became  an 
advocate  for  the  aforesaid  "criminals,"  charged 
with  the  murder  of  our  fellow-citizens. 

"  I  never  harboured  the  expectation,  nor  any 
great  desire,  that  all  men  should  speak  well  of 
me.  To  inquire  my  duty,  and  to  do  it,  is  my 
aim.  Being  mortal,  I  am  subject  to  error  ;  and 
conscious  of  this,  I  wish  to  be  diffident.  Being 
a  rational  creature,  I  judge  for  myself,  according 
to  the  light  afforded  me.  When  a  plan  of  con 
duct  is  formed  with  an  honest  deliberation,  neither 


38 

murmuring,  slander,  nor  reproaches  move.  For 
my  single  self,  I  consider,  judge,  and  with  reason 
hope  to  be  immutable. 

"  There  are  honest  men  in  all  sects, — I  wish 
their  approbation  ; — there  are  wicked  bigots  in  all 
parties, — I  abhor  them." 

"  I  am,  truly  and  affectionately, 
your  son, 

"  JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN." 

The  trial  of  Captain  Preston  commenced  on 
the  24th  of  October  1770,  and  was  concluded  on 
the  30th  of  that  month,  with  his  acquittal.  Of 
this  trial  it  is  not  known  that  any  minutes  exist. 
When  that  of  the  soldiers  commenced,  a  short 
hand  writer  was  employed,  from  whose  notes  an 
account  of  that  trial  was  published.  As  this 
volume  has  recently  been  republished,  and  is  of 
easy  access,  no  other  extracts  from  it  will  be 
here  inserted,  than  such  as  tend  to  throw  a  light 
on  the  mind  and  character  of  the  subject  of  these 
memoirs.  Not  only  for  this  purpose,  but  also  as 
one  of  the  best  indexes  to  the  state  of  the  public 
mind,  at  that  time,  in  relation  to  this  trial, — the 
whole  of  his  argument,  so  far  as  it  is  connected 
with  general  topics,  and  indicative  of  the  particular 


39 

excitement  existing  at  that  period,  will  be  ex 
tracted.  What  is  relative  only  to  the  evidence, 
will  be  omitted.  This  course  will  at  once  explain 
and  exhibit  the  nature  of  the  popular  passion, 
against  the  influence  of  which,  the  advocate  deem 
ed  it  necessary  to  guard  the  jury,  and  the  address 
\vith  which  the  topics  were  selected,  and  pressed 
upon  their  understandings  and  hearts. 

After  the  counsel  for  the  crown  (Samuel  Quin- 
cy  Esq.  Solicitor  General)  had  closed  the  opening 
of  the  trial,  Josiah  Quincy  Jun.  addressed  the 
court  and  jury. 

"  May  it  please  your  Honors,  and  you,  Gentlemen  of  the  Jury. 

"  The  prisoners  at  the  bar  stand  indicted  for 
the  murder  of  five  of  his  Majesty's  liege  subjects, 
as  set  forth  in  the  several  indictments,  which 
have  been  read  to  you.  The  persons  slain,  those 
indictments  set  forth,  as  «  being  in  the  peace  of 
God,  and  our  lord  the  king,'  at  the  time  of  the 
mortal  wounds  given. 

"  To  these  indictments,  the  prisoners  have  sev 
erally  pleaded  Not  Guilty:  and  for  their  trial 
have  put  themselves  on  God  and  their  country, 
which  country  you  are.  And  by  their  pleas,  thus 
severally  pleaded,  they  are  to  stand,  or  fall,  by  the 
evidence  which  shall  respectively  apply  to  them. 


40 

"  By  their  pica  of  not  guilty,  they  throw  the 
burden  of  proof,  as  to  the  fact  of  killing,  upon 
the  crown  ;  but,  upon  which  being  proved,  the 
matter  they  allege,  to  justify,  excuse,  or  extenu 
ate,  must  be  adduced  by  them,  and  supported  by 
legal  evidence.  The  truth  of  the  facts  they  may 
thus  allege  is  your  sole  and  undoubted  province  to 
determine,  but  upon  a  supposition  that  those  facts 
shall  appear  to  your  satisfaction,  in  the  manner 
we  allege,  the  grand  question  then  to  be  deter 
mined,  will  be,  whether  such  matters,  so  proved, 
do,  in  law,  extenuate,  excuse,  or  justify.  The 
decision  of  this  question  belongs  to  another  de 
partment,  namely,  the  Court.  This  is  law,  so 
well  known,  and  acknowledged,  that  I  shall  not 
now  detain  you  by  a  recital  of  authorities,  but  on 
ly  refer  you  to  Judge  Foster's  Crown  Law,  where 
this  point  is  treated  with  precision,  and  fixed 
beyond  controversy.  It  may  not  be  amiss,  how 
ever,  to  assure  you,  that  as  certain  as  the  cog 
nizance  of  facts  is  within  your  jurisdiction,  as 
certain  does  the  law,  resulting  from  these  facts,  in 
cases  of  the  present  kind,  seem  to  reside  solely 
in  the  Court:  unless  cases  where  juries,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Court,  give  general  verdicts,  may 
be  denominated  exceptions. 


41 

"  In  the  cause  now  before  us,  it  will  not  be 
contested,  that  five  persons  were  unfortunately 
killed,  at  the  time  the  indictments  charge  ;  and 
this  case  will  naturally  enough  divide  itself  into 
three  main  divisions  of  inquiry. 

First.   Whether  any  homicide  was  committed  ? 
Secondly.  By  whom  was  it  committed  ? 
Thirdly.   Is  there  any  thing   appearing   in   evi 
dence,  which  will  justify,  excuse,    or   extenuate, 
such  homicide,  by   reducing  it   to  that   species  of 
offence,  called  manslaughter  ? 

"  Before  we  enter  upon  these  inquiries,  permit 
me,  gentlemen,  to  remind  you  of  the  importance  of 
this  trial,   as   it  relates  to  the  prisoners.     It  is  for 
their  lives  ! — If  we  consider  the  number  of  persons, 
now  on  trial,  joined  with  many  other  circumstances 
which  might  be  mentioned,  it  is  by  far  the  most  im 
portant,  this  country  ever  saw.     Remember  the  ties 
you  are   under  to  the  prisoners,  and  even  to  your 
selves.     The  eyes  of  all  are  upon  you.     Patience 
in  hearing  this  cause  is  an  essential  requisite,  can 
dour  and  caution  are  no  less  essential.      It  is  tedi 
ous  and  painful  to  attend  a  trial   of  such  length  ; 
but  remember  the  time  which  has  been  taken  up 
by  the  Crown  in  the  opening.     By  every  bond  of 
humanity  and  justice,  we  claim   an  equal  indul- 
6 


42 

gence  ;  nay,  it  is  of  high  importance  to  your 
country,  that  nothing  should  appear  on  this  trial 
to  impeach  our  justice,  or  stain  our  humanity. 

"  And   here   let   me    remind  you  of  a   notion, 
which  has  certainly  been  too  prevalent,  and  guard 
you   against  its  baneful   influence.      An   opinion 
has  been  entertained  by  many  among  us,  that  the 
life  of  a  soldier  was  of  very  little  value  :  of  much 
less  value  than   others  of  the  community.     The 
law,  gentlemen,  knows  no  such  distinction  ;  the 
life  of  a  soldier  is  viewed,  by  the  equal  eye  of  the 
law,  as  estimable,  as  the  life  of  any  other  citizen. 
"  I  cannot  any  other  way  account  for  what  I 
mention,  but  by  supposing  that  the  indigence  and 
poverty  of  a   soldier, — the  toils    of  his  life, — the 
severity  of  discipline  to  which  he  is  exposed, — the 
precarious  tenure  by  which  he  is  generally  thought 
to  hold  his  life,  in  the  summary   decisions  of  a 
court-martial,  have  conspired  to  propagate  a  sen 
timent  of  this  kind  ;    but  a  little  attention  to  the 
human  heart,  will  dissipate  this  notion. 

"  The  soldier  takes  his  choice,  like  all  others, 
of  his  course  of  life  :  he  has  an  equal  right,  with 
you,  or  me,  so  to  do,  It  is  best  we  should  not  all 
think  alike.  Habit  makes  all  things  agreeable  ; 
what  at  first  was  irksome,  soon  becomes  pleasing. 


43 

But  does  experience  teach,  that  misery  begets  in 
general  a  hatred  of  life  !  By  no  means :  we  all 
reluct  at  death ;  we  long  for  one  short  space 
more  ;  we  grasp  with  anxious  solicitude,  even 
after  a  wretched  existence.  God,  and  nature, 
have  implanted  this  love  of  life.  Expel  therefore 
from  your  breasts  an  opinion  so  unwarrantable 
by  any  law,  human  or  divine  ;  let  not  any  thing 
so  injurious  to  the  prisoners,  who  value  life  as 
much  as  you  ;  let  not  any  thing  so  repugnant  to 
all  justice,  have  influence  in  this  trial.  The  rep 
utation  of  the  country  depends  much  on  your 
conduct,  gentlemen  ;  and,  may  I  not  add,  justice 
calls  aloud  for  candour  in  hearing,  and  impar 
tiality  in  deciding,  this  cause,  which  has,  perhaps, 
too  much  engrossed  our  affections  ;  and,  I  speak 
for  one,  too  much  excited  our  passions. 

"  The  law,  by  which  the  prisoners  are  to  be 
tried,  is  a  law  of  mercy, — a  law  applying  to  us 
all, — a  law,  Judge  Blackstone  will  tell  us,  <  found 
ed  in  principles  that  are  permanent,  uniform,  and 
universal,  always  conformable  to  the  feelings  of 
humanity,  and  the  indelible  rights  of  mankind.' 
Sec.  4,  13.  Cap.  3. 

"  How  ought  we  all,  who  are  to  bear  a  part  in 
this  day,  to  aim  at  a  strict  adherence  to  the  prin- 


44 

ciples  of  this  law  :  how  ought  we  all  to  aim 
at  utterly  eradicating  every  undue  bias  of  the 
judgment  :  a  bias  subversive  of  all  justice  and 
humanity. 

"  Another  opinion,  equally  foreign  to  truth  and 
law,  has  been  adopted  by  many.  It  has  been 
thought,  that  no  possible  case  could  happen,  in 
which  a  soldier  could  fire,  without  the  aid  of  a 
civil  magistrate.  This  is  a  great  mistake, — a 
very  unhappy  mistake  indeed  !  one,  I  am  afraid, 
that  had  its  influence  on  the  fatal  night,  which 
we  all  lament.  The  law,  as  to  the  present  point, 
puts  the  citizen  and  soldier  under  equal  restraint. 
What  will  justify  and  mitigate  the  action  of  the 
one,  will  do  the  same  to  the  other.  Let  us  bear 
this  invariably  in  mind,  in  examining  the  evidence. 
But  before  we  proceed  to  this  examination,  let 
us  take  a  transient  view  of  some  occurrences, 
preceding,  and  subsequent  to,  the  melancholy 
fifth  of  March. 

"  About  some  five  or  six  years  ago,  it  is  well 
known,  certain  measures  were  adopted  by  the 
British  Parliament,  which  gave  a  general  alarm 
to  this  continent.  Measures  were  alternately 
taken  in  Great  Britain,  that  awakened  jealousy, 
resentment,  fortitude,  and  vigilance.  Affairs  con- 


45 

tinued  long  fluctuating.  A  sentiment  universally 
prevailed,  that  our  dearest  rights  were  invaded. 
It  is  not  our  business  here  to  inquire  touching 
these  delicate  points.  These  are  concernments, 
which,  however  interesting  or  important  in  them 
selves,  we  must  keep  far  away  from  us,  when  in 
a  court  of  law.  It  poisons  justice,  when  politics 
tincture  its  current. 

"  I  need  not  inform  you,  how  the  tide  rose,  as 
we  were  advancing  towards  the  present  times. 
The  general  attention  became  more  and  more 
roused, — people  became  more  and  more  alike  in 
opinion  and  practice.  A  vast  majority  thought 
all  that  is  dear  was  at  stake, — sentiments  of  lib 
erty, — property, — ignominious  bondage, — all  con 
spire  to  increase  the  ferment.  At  this  period  the 
troops  land.  Let  us  here  pause,  and  view  the 
citizen,  and  the  soldier. 

"  The  causes  of  grievance  being  thus  spread 
far  and  wide,  the  inhabitants  viewed  the  soldiery 
as  called  in.  foreign  from  their  prime  institution, 
to  force  obedience  to  acts,  which  were,  in  general, 
deemed  subversive  of  natural,  as  well  as  consti 
tutional  freedom.  With  regard  to  the  universal 
prevalence  of  ideas  of  this  kind,  it  does  not  fall 
within  our  present  plan,  to  give  you  direct,  posi- 


46 

live  evidence.  It  would  be  too  foreign  to  the 
present  issue,  though  pertinent  enough,  when  con 
sidered  as  a  clue  to  springs  and  motives  of  action, 
and  as  an  additional  aid,  to  form  a  just  judgment 
in  our  present  inquiry.  You,  gentlemen,  who 
come  from  the  body  of  the  country,  are  presumed 
to  know  these  facts,  if  they  are  true  ;  nay,  their 
notoriety  must  be  such,  provided  I  am  not  mistaken 
in  my  conjecture,  that  the  justness  of  my  obser 
vation  on  this  matter  must  be  certainly  confirmed 
by  your  own  experience.  I  presume  not  in  this, 
or  any  other  matter  of  fact  to  prescribe  to  you  : 
if  these  sentiments  are  wrong,  they  have  no  influ 
ence  :  if  right,  they  ought  certainly  to  have  their 
due  weight. 

"  I  say,  gentlemen,  and  appeal  to  you  for  the 
truth  of  what  I  say,  that  many  on  this  continent 
viewed  their  chains  as  already  forged ;  they  saw 
fetters  as  prepared  ;  they  beheld  the  soldiers  as 
fastening,  and  rivetting  for  ages,  the  shackles  of 
their  bondage.  With  the  justness  of  these  appre 
hensions,  you  and  I  have  nothing  to  do  in  this 
place.  Disquisitions  of  this  sort  are  for  the  Sen 
ate,  and  the  chamber  of  Council, — they  are  for 
statesmen  and  politicians,  who  take  a  latitude  in 
thoughts  and  action  ;  but  we,  gentlemen,  are  con- 


47 

fined  in  our  excursions,  by  the  rigid  rules  of  law. 
Upon  the  real,   actual   existence   of  these   appre 
hensions,  in  the  community,  we  may  judge  ;  they 
are  facts  falling  properly  within   our  cognizance, 
and  hitherto  may  we   go,  but  no  farther.     It  is 
my  duty,  and  I  ought  to  impress  it  on  your  minds, 
and  you,  gentlemen,  ought  to  retain  the  impression. 
You  are  to  determine  on  the  facts  coming  to  your 
knowledge  ;    you  are  to  think,  judge,  and  act,    as 
jurymen,  and  not  as  statesmen. 

"Matters  being  thus  circumstanced,  what  might 
be  expected  ?  No  room  was  left  for  cordiality 
and  friendship.  Discontent  was  seated  on  almost 
every  brow.  Instead  of  that  hospitality,  which 
the  soldier  thought  himself  entitled  to,  scorn,  con 
tempt,  and  silent  murmurs  were  his  reception.  Al 
most  every  countenance  lowered  with  a  discontent 
ed  gloom,  and  scarce  an  eye,  but  flashed  indignant 
fire.  Turn  and  contemplate  the  camp.  Do  we 
find  a  more  favourable  appearance  ?  The  soldier 
had  his  feelings,  his  sentiments,  and  his  charac 
teristic  passions  also.  The  constitution  of  our 
government  has  provided  a  stimulus  for  his  affec 
tions: — the  pride  of  conscious  virtue,  the  sense 
of  valour,  the  point  of  honour.  The  law  had 
taught  him  to  think  favourably  of  himself; — had 


48 

taught  him  to  consider  himself  as  peculiarly  ap 
pointed  for  the  safeguard  and  defence  of  his  coun 
try.  He  had  heard,  that  he  put  not  off  the  citi 
zen,  when  he  entered  the  camp  ;  but  because  he 
was  a  citizen,  and  wished  to  continue  so,  he 
made  himself*  for  a  while,  a  soldier.  How  sting 
ing  was  it  to  be  stigmatized,  as  the  instrument  of 
tyranny  and  oppression  ?  How  exasperating  to  be 
viewed,  as  aiding  to  inthrall  his  country  ?  He  felt 
his  heart  glow  with  an  ardour,  which  he  took  for 
a  love  of  liberty  and  his  country,  and  had  formed 
to  himself  no  design  fatal  to  its  privileges.  He 
recollected,  no  doubt,  that  he  had  heretofore  ex 
posed  himself  for  its  service.  He  had  bared  his 
bosom  in  defence  of  his  native  soil,  and  yet  felt 
the  smart  of  wounds,  received  in  conflict  for  his 
king  and  country.  Could  that  spirit,  which  had 
braved  the  shafts  of  foreign  battle,  brook  the 
keener  wounds  of  civil  contest  ?  The  arrows 
which  now  pierced  him,  pierced  as  deep  and 
rankled  more,  than  those  of  former  times. 

"  Is  it  rational  to  imagine  much  harmony  could 
long  subsist  ?  We  must  take  human  nature  as 
we  find  it,  and  not  vainly  imagine,  that  all  things 
are  to  become  new,  at  such  a  crisis.  There 
are  an  order  of  men  in  every  commonwealth,  who 


49 

never  reason,  but  always  act  from  feeling.      That 
their  rights  and   liberties  were   filched   away   one 
after  another,  they   had  often  been  told.      They 
had  been  taught   by   those  whom   they   believed, 
that  the  axe  was  now  laid  to  the  root  of  the  tree, 
and  one  more  stroke  completed  its    fall.     It   was 
in  vain  to  expect  to  silence  or  subdue  these  emo 
tions  by  reasons,  soothings,  or  dangers.     A  belief 
that  nothing  could  be  worse  than  the  calamities, 
which  seemed  inevitable,   had  extended  itself  on 
all  sides,  and  arguments  drawn  from  such  sources 
had  little  influence.     Each  day  gave  rise  to  new 
occurrences,  which  increased  animosities.     Heart 
burnings,  heats,  and  bickerings  became  more  and 
more  extensive.       Reciprocal   insults  soured   the 
temper,  mutual  injuries   imbittered  the   passions. 
Can  we  wonder,  that  when  every  thing  tended  to 
some  important  action,  the  period  so  soon  arrived  ? 
Will  not  our  wonder  be  increased  to  find  the  crisis 
no  sooner  taking  place,  when  so  many  circumstan 
ces  united  to  hasten  its  approach  ?     To  use  an  al 
lusion  somewhat  homely,  may  we  not  wonder  that 
the  acid  and  the  alkali  did  not  sooner  ferment  ? 

"  A  thought  here  imperceptibly  forces  itself  on 
our  minds,  and  we  are  led  to  be   astonished   that 
persons   so    discordant    in    opinion,    so   opposite 
7 


50 

in  views,  attachments,  and  connexions,  should  be 
stationed  together.  But  here,  gentlemen,  we 
must  stop.  If  we  pursue  this  inquiry,  at  this 
time,  and  in  this  place,  we  shall  be  in  danger  of 
doing  great  injustice.  We  shall  get  beyond  our 
limits.  The  right  of  quartering  troops  in  this 
province  must  be  discussed  at  a  different  tribunal. 
The  constitutional  legality,  the  propriety,  the  ex 
pediency  of  their  appointment,  are  questions  of 
state,  not  to  be  determined,  or  even  agitated  by  us, 
in  this  court.  It  is  enough  for  us,  if  the  law 
takes  notice  of  them  when  thus  stationed,  if  it 
warrants  their  continuance,  if  it  protects  them  in 
their  quarters.  They  were  sent  here  by  that 
authority,  which  our  laws  know  ;  they  were 
quartered  here,  as  I  take  it,  agreeably  to  an  act 
of  the  British  parliament;  they  were  ordered  here 
by  your  sovereign  and  mine. 

"  Let  me  here  take  a  method  very  common 
with  another  order  of  men.  Let  me  remind  you 
of  what  is  not  your  duty. 

"  Gentlemen,  great  pains  have  been  taken  by 
different  men,  with  different  views,  to  involve  the 
character,  the  conduct,  and  reputation  of  the  town 
of  Boston,  in  the  present  issue.  Boston  and  its 
inhabitants  have  no  more  to  do  with  this  cause, 


51 

than  you,  or  any  other  members  of  the  commu 
nity.  You  are,  therefore,  by  no  means  to  blend 
two  things,  so  essentially  different,  as  the  guilt, 
or  innocence,  of  this  town  and  the  prisoners 
together.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston,  by  no  rules 
of  law,  justice,  or  common  sense,  can  be  supposed 
answerable,  for  the  unjustifiable  conduct  of  a  few 
individuals,  hastily  assembled  in  the  streets.  Every 
populous  city,  in  like  circumstances,  would  be 
liable  to  similar  commotions,  if  not  worse.  No 
rational  or  honest  man  will  form  any  worse  opin 
ion  of  this  metropolis,  for  the  transactions  of 
that  melancholy  night.  Who  can,  who  will, 
unnecessarily  interest  themselves  to  justify  the 
rude  behaviour  of  a  mixt  and  ungovernable  mul 
titude  ?  May  I  not  appeal  to  you,  and  all  who 
have  heard  this  trial  thus  far,  that  things  already 
wear  a  different  aspect  from  what  we  have  been 
heretofore  taught  to  expect  ?  Had  any  one  told 
you,  some  weeks  ago,  that  the  evidence  on  the 
crown-side  would  have  appeared  in  the  present 
light,  would  you  have  believed  it  ?  Can  any  one 
think  it  his  duty,  to  espouse  the  part  acted  by 
those  assembled  in  King  street  ?  I  think  not ; 
but  lest  my  opinion  should  not  have  any  weight, 
let  me  remind  you  of  an  author,  who,  I  could 


52 

wish,  were  in  the  hands  of  all  of  you  ;  one  whom 
I  trust  you  will  credit.  I  am  sure  you  ought  to 
love  and  revere  him.  I  wish  his  sentiments  were 
engraven  in  indelible  characters  on  your  hearts. 
You  will  not  suspect  him  of  being  unfriendly  to 
liberty  ;  if  this  cause  and  its  events  must  be  inter 
woven  with  a  matter  so  foreign  to  it.  I  allude  to 
the  third  letter  of  the  'Farmer  of  Pennsylvania,' 
to  his  countrymen. 

"  '  The  cause  of  liberty,'  says  that  great  and 
good  writer,  i  is  a  cause  of  too  much  dignity  to 
be  sullied  by  turbulence  and  tumult ;  it  ought  to 
be  maintained  in  a  manner  suitable  to  her  nature. 
Those  who  engage  in  it,  should  breathe  a  sedate, 
yet  fervent  spirit,  animating  them  to  actions  of 
prudence,  justice,  modesty,  bravery,  humanity, 
and  magnanimity.'  What  has  there  transpired 
on  this  trial,  savouring  of  any  of  these  virtues  ? 
Was  it  justice,  or  humanity,  to  attack,  insult,  ridi 
cule,  and  abuse  a  single  sentinel  on  his  post  ?  Was 
it  either  modest,  brave,  or  magnanimous,  to  rush  up 
on  the  points  of  fixed  bayonets,  and  trifle,  vapour, 
and  provoke,  at  the  very  mouths  of  loaded  mus 
kets  ?  It  may  be  brutal  rage,  or  wanton  rashness, 
but  not,  surely,  any  true  magnanimity. 

"  '  I  hope,'  says  the  same  eminent  writer,  i  my 


53 

dear  countrymen,  that  you  will  in  every  colony 
be  upon  your  guard  against  those,  who  at  any 
time  endeavour  to  stir  you  up,  under  pretence  of 
patriotism,  to  any  measures  disrespectful  to  your 
sovereign,  and  our  mother  country.'  By  this  it 
should  seem,  as  though  the  '  Farmer'  never  expect 
ed  any  period  would  arrive,  when  such  measures 
would  be  warrantable.  Now  what  more  disre 
spectful  to  our  parent  country,  than  to  treat  with 
contempt  a  body  of  men,  stationed,  most  certainly, 
by  the  consent  of  her  supreme  legislature,  the 
parliament  of  Britain  ?  What  more  disrespectful 
to  our  common  sovereign,  than  to  assume  the 
sword  of  justice,  and  become  the  avengers  of 
either  public  or  private  wrongs  ?  Though  the 
soldiers  who  appeared  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
evening,  in  Cornhill,  acted  like  barbarians  and 
savages,  they  had  now  retired,  and  were  now 
confined  in  their  barracks  ;  what  though  an  im 
pertinent  boy  had  received  unjustifiable  conection 
from  the  sentinel  ;  the  boy,  and  the  persons  in 
Cornhill,  must  have  recourse  only  to  the  law  for 
their  redress.  Courts  of  law  are  styled  '  vindices 
injuriarum,'  the  avengers  of  injuries,  and  none 
others  are  to  assume  this  prerogative.  The  law 
-erects  itself  as  the  supreme,  dernier  resort,  in  all 


54 

complaints  of  wrong  ;  and  nothing  could  more 
essentially  sap  our  most  important  interests,  than 
any  countenance  to  such  dangerous  encroach 
ments  on  the  domains  of  municipal  justice. 

"  But  finally,  to  finish  with  the  justly  celebrated 
'Farmer.' — '  Hot,  rash,  disorderly  proceedings  in 
jure  the  reputation  of  a  people,  as  to  wisdom, 
valour,  arid  virtue,  without  procuring  the  least 
benefit.'  Thus  have  you  the  sense  of  this  great 
authority,  with  us.  And  let  me  ask  all  those, 
who  have  thought  the  cause  of  this  country  con 
nected  with  the  agents  of  the  assembly  in  King 
street,  whether  the  proceedings  of  that  unhappy 
night  were  hot,  rash,  or  disorderly  ?  If  they  were, 
have  they  not,  in  the  opinion  of  this  great  friend 
of  liberty,  injured  our  reputation,  as  to  wisdom, 
valour,  and  virtue ;  and  that  too,  without  procuring 
the  least  benefit  ?  Who  then  would  sacrifice  his 
judgment,  and  his  integrity,  to  vindicate  such 
proceedings  ? 

"  To  what  purposes  the  soldiers  were  sent ; 
whether  it  was  a  step  warranted  by  sound  policy, 
or  not,  we  shall  not  inquire ;  we  are  to  consider 
the  troops,  not  as  the  instruments  for  wresting 
our  rights,  but  as  fellow  citizens,  who  being  to 
be  tried  by  a  law,  extending  to  every  individual. 


55 

claim  a  part  in  its  benefits, — its  privileges, — its 
mercy.  We  must  steel  ourselves  against  passions 
which  contaminate  the  fountain  of  justice.  We 
ought  to  recollect,  that  our  present  decisions  will 
be  scanned,  perhaps  through  all  Europe.  We 
must  not  forget,  that  we  ourselves  will  have  a 
reflective  hour, — an  hour,  in  which  we  shall  view 
things  through  a  different  medium, — when  the 
pulse  will  no  longer  beat  with  the  tumults  of  the 
day, — when  the  conscious  pang  of  having  betray 
ed  truth,  justice,  and  integrity,  shall  bite  like  a 
serpent,  and  sting  like  an  adder. 

"  Consider,  gentlemen,  the  danger  which  you, 
and  all  of  us  are  in,  of  being  led  away  by  our 
affections  and  attachments.  We  have  seen  the 
blood  of  our  fellow  men  flowing  in  the  streets. 
We  have  been  told  that  this  blood  was  wrongfully 
shed.  That  is  now  the  point  in  issue.  But  let 
it  be  borne  deep  upon  our  minds,  that  the  prison 
ers  are  to  be  condemned  by  the  evidence  here  in 
court  produced  against  them,  and  by  nothing  else. 
Matters  heard  or  seen  abroad,  are  to  have  no 
weight :  in  general  they  undermine  the  pillars  of 
justice  and  truth.  It  has  been  our  misfortune, 
that  a  system  of  evidence  has  appeared  in  the 
world  against  us.  It  is  not  our  business  to  blame 


56 

any  one  for  this.  It  is  our  misfortune,  I  say.  It 
should  be  remembered,  that  we  were  not  present 
to  cross-examine  ;  and  the  danger  which  results 
from  having  this  publication  in  the  hands  of  those, 
who  are  to  pass  upon  our  lives,  ought  to  be 
guarded  against.  We  say  we  are  innocent,  by 
our  plea,  and  are  not  to  be  denounced  guilty  by 
a  new  species  of  evidence, — unknown  in  the 
English  system  of  criminal  law. 

"  But  as  though  a  series  of  ex  parte  evidence 
was  not  enough,  all  the  colours  of  the  canvass 
have  been  touched,  in  order  to  freshen  the  wounds, 
and  by  a  transport  of  imagination,  we  are  made 
present  at  the  scene  of  action.  The  prints  ex 
hibited  in  our  houses,  have  added  wings  to  fancy, 
and  in  the  fervour  of  our  zeal,  reason  is  in  hazard 
of  being  lost.  For  as  was  elegantly  expressed, 
by  a  learned  gentleman  at  the  late  trial,  '  The 
passions  of  man,  nay,  his  very  imaginations  are 
contagious.'  The  pomp  of  funeral,  the  horrors 
of  death  have  been  so  delineated,  as  to  give  a 
spring  to  our  ideas,  and  inspire  a  glow  incompati 
ble  with  sound  deliberative  judgment.  In  this 
situation  every  passion  has  been  alternately  pre 
dominant.  They  have  each  in  its  turn,  subsid 
ed,  in  degree,  and  then  have  sometimes  given 


57 

place  to  despondence,  grief,  and  sorrow.  How 
careful  should  we  be,  that  we  do  not  mistake  the 
impressions  of  gloom  and  melancholy  for  the  dic 
tates  of  reason  and  truth.  How  careful,  lest, 
borne  away  by  a  torrent  of  passion,  we  make 
shipwreck  of  conscience. 

"  Perhaps  you  may  be  told,  gentlemen,  as  I 
remember  it  was  said,  at  the  late  trial,  that  pas 
sions  were  like  the  flux  and  reflux  of  the  sea, 
the  highest  tides  always  producing  the  lowest 
ebbs.  But  let  it  be  noticed,  that  the  tide,  in 
our  political  ocean,  has  yet  never  turned  ;  cer 
tainly  the  current  has  never  set  towards  the  op 
posite  quarter.  However  similes  may  illustrate, 
they  never  go  for  proof.  Though  I  believe,  that 
it  will  be  found,  that  if  the  tide  of  resentment 
has  not  risen  of  late,  it  has  been  because  it  had 
reached  the  summit.  In  the  same  mode  of 
phraseology,  if  so  homely  an  expression  may  be 
used  ;  perhaps,  as  the  seamen  say,  it  has  been 
high-water  slack,— but  I  am  satisfied  the  current 
has  not  yet  altered  its  course,  in  favour  of  the 
prisoners  at  the  bar. 

"  Many  things  yet  exist  sufficient  to  keep  alive 
the  glow  of  indignation.     I   have  aimed  at  secur 
ing  you  against  the   catching   flame:   I  have  en- 
8 


58 

deavourecl  to  discharge  my  duty  in  this  respect. 
What  success  will  follow  those  endeavours,  de 
pends  on  you,  gentlemen.  If  being  told  of  your 
danger  will  not  produce  caution,  nothing  will.  If 
you  are  determined  in  opinion,  it  is  vain  to  say 
more  ;  but  if  you  are  zealous  inquirers  after  truth, 
if  you  are  willing  to  hear  with  impartiality,  to 
examine  and  judge  for  yourselves, — enough  has 
been  said  to  apprize  you  of  those  avenues,  at 
which  the  enemies  of  truth  and  justice  are  most 
likely  to  enter,  and  most  easily  to  beset  you. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Jury, 

"  I  shall  now,  for  argument's  sake  only,  take  it 
for  granted,  that  the  fact  of  killing  had  been 
proved  upon  all  the  prisoners  :  you  are  sensible 
this  is  not  really  true,  for  as  to  this  point,  there 
are  several  of  the  prisoners  upon  whom  this  fact 
is  not  fixed.  But  as  I  shall  hereafter  take  occa 
sion  to  consider  the  distinct  case  of  each  prisoner, 
as  he  is  affected  by  the  evidence,  I  at  present 
choose  to  avoid  confusion,  and  apply  myself  to 
the  full  strength  of  the  crown ;  and,  upon  a  sup 
position,  that  all  the  prisoners  were  answerable 
for  the  act  of  any  one,  see  how  the  prisoners  are 
chargeable,  by  the  evidence  already  offered,  with 


59 

the  crime  of  murder  : — or  rather  endeavour  to 
point  out  to  you  those  facts,  appearing  by  the 
evidence  on  the  crown  side,  which  will  amount, 
in  law,  to  a  justification,  an  excuse,  or  at  least, 
an  extenuation  of  their  offence.  For  we  say, 
that  give  the  evidence  for  the  king  its  full  scope 
and  force,  and  our  offence  is  reduced,  at  least  to 
manslaughter :  in  which  case,  we  claim  the  priv 
ilege  of  that  law,  hy  the  sentence  of  which,  if 
guilty,  we  must  suffer  the  pains  of  death  ;  a 
privilege,  we  can  never  again  claim,  a  privilege, 
that  by  no  means  implies  exemption  from  all  pun 
ishment  :  the  offender  becomes  liable  to  imprison 
ment  for  a  year,  incurs  a  forfeiture  of  all  goods  and 
chattels,  and.  till  he  receives  the  judgment  of  law, 
is  to  all  intents  a  felon,  subject  to  all  the  disabilities 
and  other  incidents  of  a  felon.  Without  taking  up 
time,  in  attending  and  discussing  points,  no  way 
pertinent  to  the  present  issue  ;  without  a  tedious 
recapitulation  of  circumstances  with  which,  I  take 
it,  we  have  no  more  concern,  than  either  of  you, 
gentlemen  ;  I  say,  passing  over  all  these  matters 
as  foreign  to  this  trial,  let  us  state  evidence  ap 
pearing  even  from  the  crown  witnesses." 


60 

Mr  Quincy  then  proceeded  to  examine  the  evi 
dence  for  the  crown,  and  afterwards  adduced  the 
witnesses  for  the  prisoners.  This  examination, 
with  his  comments,  occupied  four  days,  when  he 
concluded  his  argument  for  the  prisoners,  as 
follows. 

"  May  it  please  your  Honours,  and  you,  Gentlemen  of  the  Jury. 

u  I  have  now  gone  through  those  authorities 
in  law,  which  I  thought  pertinent  to  this  trial. 
I  have  spoken  at  so  much  length,  not  for  the  in 
formation  of  the  court,  but  to  satisfy  you,  gentle 
men,  and  all  who  may  chance  to  hear  me,  of  that 
law,  which  is  well  known  to  those  of  us,  who  are 
conversant  in  courts,  but  not  so  generally  known, 
or  attended  to,  by  many,  as  it  ought  to  be.  A 
law  which  extends  to  each  of  us,  as  well  as  to 
any  of  the  prisoners  ;  for  it  knows  no  distinction 
of  persons. 

"  The  doctrines,  which  have  been  thus  laid 
down,  are  for  the  safeguard  of  us  all ; — doctrines 
which  are  founded  in  the  wisdom  and  policy  of 
ages  ;  which  the  greatest  men  who  ever  lived, 
have  adopted  and  contended  for.  Nay,  the  matter 
has  been  carried  by  very  wise  men,  much  further 
than  we  have  contended  for.  And  that  you  may 


61 

not  think  the  purport  of  the  authorities  read,  are 
the  rigid  notions  of  a  dry  system,  and  the  con 
tracted  decisions  of  municipal  law,  I  beg  leave  to 
read  you  a  passage  from  a  very  great  theoretic 
writer,  a  man  whose  praises  have  resounded 
through  all  the  known  world,  and  probably  will, 
through  all  ages  ;  whose  sentiments  are  as  free  as 
air,  and  who  has  done  as  much  for  learning,  liber 
ty,  and  mankind,  as  any  of  the  sons  of  men.  I 
V  mean  the  sagacious  Mr  Locke.  He  will  tell 
you,  gentlemen,  in  his  Essay  on  Government, 
p.  2,  c.  iii,  i  That  all  manner  of  force,  without 
right,  puts  man  in  a  state  of  war  with  the  ag 
gressor  :  and  of  consequence,  that,  being  in  such  a 
state  of  war,  he  may  lawfully  kill  him,  who  puts 
him  under  this  unnatural  restraint.'  According 
to  this  doctrine,  we  should  have  nothing  to  do, 
but  inquire  whether  here  was  '  force  without 
right  ; '  if  so,  we  were  in  such  a  state  as  rendered 
it  lawful  to  kill  the  aggressor,  who  '  put  us  under 
so  unnatural  a  restraint.'  Few,  I  believe,  will 
say,  after  hearing  all  this  evidence,  that  we  were 
under  no  unnatural  restraint.  But  we  do  not 
wish  to  extend  matters  so  far.  We  cite  this  au 
thor  to  show  the  world,  that  the  greatest  friends 
to  their  country,  to  universal  liberty,  and  the 


62 

immutable  rights  of  all  men,  have  held  tenets,  and 
advanced  maxims  favourable  to  the  prisoners  at 
the  bar.  And  although  we  should  not  adopt  the 
sentiments  of  Mr  Locke,  in  their  most  extensive 
latitude,  yet  there  seems  to  be  something  very 
analogous  to  this  opinion,  which  is  countenanced 
in  our  laws. 

"  There  is  a  spirit,  which  pervades  the  whole 
system  of  English  jurisprudence,  which  inspires 
a  freedom  of  thought,  speech,  and  behaviour. 
Under  a  form  of  government  like  ours,  it  would 
be  in  vain  to  expect  that  pacific,  timid,  obsequious, 
and  servile  temper,  so  predominant  in  more  des 
potic  governments.  From  our  happy  constitution 
then  results  its  very  natural  effects, — an  impa 
tience  of  injuries,  and  a  strong  resentment  of 
insults  : — (and  a  very  wise  man  has  said,  '  He 
who  tamely  beareth  insults,  inviteth  injuries.') 
Hence,  I  take  it,  that  attention  to  the  '  feelings  of 
humanity,' — to  '  humanity  and  imperfection,' — 
4  the  infirmities  of  flesh  and  blood,' — that  attention 
to  the  '  indelible  rights  of  mankind,' — that  lenity 
to  'the  passions  of  man," — that  'benignity  and 
condescension  of  the  law,' — so  often  repeated  in 
our  books.  And,  indeed,  if  this  were  not  the 
case,  the  genius  of  our  civil  constitution,  and  the 
spirit  of  our  municipal  law  would  be  repugnant  ; 


63 

that   prime  defect   in   any  political   system, — that 
grand  solecism  in  state  policy. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Jury, 

"  This  cause  has  taken  up  much  of  your  time, 
and  is  likely  to  take  so  much  more,  that  I 
must  hasten  to  a  close  :  indeed  I  should  not  have 
troubled  you  thus  long,  but  from  a  sense  of  duty 
to  the  prisoners  ;  they,  who  in  some  sense  may 
be  said  to  have  put  their  lives  in  my  hands  ; 
they,  whose  situation  was  so  peculiar,  that  we 
have  necessarily  taken  up  more  time,  than  or 
dinary  cases  require  ;  they,  under  all  these  cir 
cumstances,  placed  a  confidence,  it  was  my  duty 
not  to  disappoint  ;  and  which  I  have  aimed  at 
discharging  with  fidelity.  I  trust,  you,  gentle 
men,  will  do  the  like  ;  that  you  will  examine, 
and  judge  with  a  becoming  temper  of  mind  ; 
remembering  that  they,  who  are  under  oath  to 
declare  the  wrhole  truth,  think  and  act  very  differ 
ently  from  bystanders,  who,  being  under  no  ties 
of  this  kind,  take  a  latitude,  which  is  by  no  means 
admissible  in  a  court  of  law. 

"  I  cannot  close  this  cause  better,  than  by  de 
siring  you  to  consider  well  the  genius  and  spirit 
of  the  law,  which  will  be  laid  down,  and  to 


64 

govern  yourselves  by  this  great  standard  of  truth. 
To  some  purposes,  you  may  be  said,  gentlemen, 
to  be  ministers  of  justice  ;  and  <  ministers, '  says 
a  learned  judge,  '  appointed  for  the  ends  of  public 
justice,  should  have  written  on  their  hearts  the 
solemn  engagements  of  his  Majesty  (at  his  coro 
nation),  to  cause  law,  and  justice,  in  mercy,  to  be 
executed  in  all  his  judgments. 

( The  quality  of  mercy  is  not  strained  ; 
It  droppeth  like  the  gentle  rain  from  heaven — 

•  It  is  twice  blessed  ; 

It  blesses  him  that  gives,  and  him  that  takes.' 

"  I  leave  you,  gentlemen,  hoping  you  will  be 
directed  in  your  inquiry  and  judgment,  to  a  right 
discharge  of  your  duty.  We  shall  all  of  us, 
gentlemen,  have  an  hour  of  cool  reflection,  when 
the  feelings  and  agitations  of  the  day  shall  have 
subsided  ;  when  we  shall  view  things  through  a 
different  and  much  juster  medium.  It  is  then, 
we  all  wish  an  absolving  conscience.  May  you, 
gentlemen,  now  act  such  a  part,  as  will  hereafter 
insure  it  ;  such  a  part  as  may  occasion  the  prison* 
ers  to  rejoice.  May  the  blessing  of  those,  who 
were  in  jeopardy  of  life,  come  upon  you, — may 
the  blessing  of  him  who  is  not  faulty  to  die,  de 
scend  and  rest  upon  you  and  your  posterity." 


65 

John  Adams  Esq.  then  closed  the  defence,  in 
an  argument  admirable  for  its  learning,  acuteness, 
and  strength.  The  result  of  their  exertions  was 
the  complete  acquittal  of  six  of  the  soldiers,  and 
the  conviction  of  the  remaining  two  of  the  crime 
of  manslaughter  onljr 

Thus  terminated,  in  a  manner  forever  honoura 
ble  to  the  character  of  the  American  people,  this 
most  solemn  and  eventful  trial.  In  other  coun 
tries,  soldiers,  who,  in  subduing  popular  tumults, 
have  killed  unarmed  citizens,  have  been  sacrificed 
at  the  instant,  to  the  public  indignation.  Trial, 
in  such  cases,  has  been  often  only  a  mockery  ; 
the  sovereign  himself  having  been  compelled  to 
yield  his  own  instruments,  as  victims  to  appease 
the  rage  of  the  people.  Even  the  walls  of  pris 
ons  have  been  no  security  against  the  vengeance 
of  an  excited  multitude  ;  but  amidst  the  most 
violent  effervescence  of  the  American  revolution, 
respect  for  the  ancient  institutions  of  the  country 
maintained,  at  all  times,  the  ascendency  of  the 
judicial  tribunal.  Notwithstanding  the  metropolis 
of  Massachusetts  had  witnessed  five  of  its  citi 
zens  publicly  slaughtered  in  its  streets  by  the  mil 
itary  arm,  and  notwithstanding  curses,  and  execra 
tions,  and  clamours  for  vengeance  were  loud,  and 
9 


66 

deep,  and  almost  universal,  yet  justice  maintained 
the  strength  and  integrity  of  her  temple.  The 
passions  of  the  moment,  restrained  in  her  courts, 
waited  patiently  for  her  decision,  and  submitted 
to  a  judgment,  in  which  neither  the  feelings  nor 
the  sentiments  of  the  time  acquiesced.  The  mul 
titude  was  silent,  though  not  satisfied,  under  the 
authority  of  the  laws. 

These  are  triumphs  of  principle,  worthy  of 
record,  both  for  the  honour  of  the  fact  and  the 
influence  of  the  example.  In  the  language  of 
the  subject  of  this  memoir,  for  the  result, — "  this 
whole  people  have  reason  to  rejoice." 

During  the  years  1771  and  1772,  Mr  Quincy 
was  actively  engaged  in  the  labours  of  his  pro 
fession.  He  now  entered  upon  an  extensive  field 
of  business,  which  his  singular  powers  of  elo 
quence  opened  for  him,  and  which  his  unwearied 
diligence  and  fidelity  secured.  Although  his  pro 
fessional  occupations  were  of  the  most  constant 
and  engrossing  character,  he  found  time  to  em 
ploy  his  pen  in  the  cause  of  his  country. 

Among  his  original  manuscripts  there  still 
remain  many  essays  published  in  the  Gazette  of 
this  period.  In  one  signed  "  Mentor,"  published 
February  llth,  1771,  he  laments  "  hearing  so  lit- 


67 

tie  discourse  relative  to  a  decent,  manly,  and 
instructive  commemoration  of  the  melancholy 
tragedy  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770,"  and  urges 
the  discreet,  as  well  as  zealous  friends  of  liber 
ty  and  mankind  to  form  a  regular  plan  for  that 
purpose,  to  the  end  that  there  may  be  an  annual 
development  of  the  "  fatal  effects  of  the  pol 
icy  of  standing  armies,  and  the  natural  tendency 
of  quartering  regular  troops  in  populous  cities 
in  time  of  peace."  His  labours  in  the  papers  of 
those  years  appear  to  have  been  incessant,  and  on 
various  topics.  His  manuscripts,  which  remain, 
show  that  during  these  years  he  wrote,  among;  oth 
er  essays,  those  under  the  signature  of  "  Callis- 
thenes,"  "  Tertius  in  nubibus,"  "  Edward  Sex- 
by,"  and  "  Marchmont  Nedham,"  "  Draught  of 
instructions  to  the  Boston  representatives  in  May 
1770,"  and  a  "  Report  of  a  Committee  chosen  by 
the  Inhabitants  of  Petersham,  in  the  county  of 
Worcester,  4th  of  January  1773."  These  all 
breathe  that  bold,  ardent,  and  vehement  spirit, 
which  characterized  his  life,  speeches,  and  writ- 
tings.  For  the  most  part  they  relate  to  tempora 
ry  topics,  and  are  directed  to  expose  the  character 
or  to  unmask  the  design  of  the  British  ministry, 
or  their  agents.  An  extract  from  the  essay  signed 


68 

t;  Callisthenes,"  published  in  Edes  and  Gill's  Ga 
zette,  September  28th,  1772,  on  the  subject  of 
the  grant  of  salaries  to  the  judges,  from  the  crown, 
will  show  the  current  and  temperature  of  his 
mind. 

"  In  your  Gazette  of  the  tenth  of  February 
last,  I  took  occasion  to  deliver  my  sentiments  on 
the  imprisonment  of  Ebenezer  Richardson.  A 
truth,  I  there  delivered,  give  me  leave  to  repeat. 
<  No  tyranny  so  secure, — none  so  intolerable, — 
none  so  dangerous, — none  so  remediless,  as  that 
of  Executive  Courts.' 

"  This  is  a  truth  all  nations  bear  witness  to, — 
all  history  confirms.  So  sensible  are  all  tyrants 
of  the  importance  of  such  courts,  that  to  advance 
and  establish  their  system  of  oppression,  they 
never  rest  until  they  have  completely  corrupted, 
or  bought,  the  judges  of  the  land.  I  could  easily 
show  that  the  most  deep  laid  and  daring  attacks 
upon  the  rights  of  a  people,  might  in  some  meas 
ure  be  defeated,  or  evaded,  by  upright  jiulicato- 
ries, — that  bad  laws,  with  good  judges,  make 
little  progress.  '  Let  me  make  the  judges,'  said 
the  pedant  King  James,  '  I  care  not  who  makes 
the  laws.'  And  this  was  very  far  from  being 


69 

the  worst  speech  of  that  vainglorious  monarch. 
How  would  that  silly  tyrant  have  hugged  himself, 
in  fancied  bliss,  if  he  had  been  gratified  with 
making  laws,  judges,  lawyers,  sheriffs,  &c.  ;  and 
with  paying  and  displacing  them  at  pleasure  ! 
Could  a  Nero  wish  more  ?  The  people  then 
would  have  no  more  real  life,  than  might  be 
extinguished  with  one  single  stroke. 

"My  countrymen,  Great  Britain,  with  legisla 
tive  solemnity,  has  told  you,  she  can  bind  you 
and  yours,  by  her  laws,  when  the  parliament 
please.  The  parliament  have  so  bound,  and  are 
still  so  binding  you.  Who  appoints, — who  dis 
places  our  judges, — we  all  know.  But  who 
pays  them  ?  The  last  vessels  from  England  tell 
us, — the  judges,  and  the  subalterns,  have  got 
salaries  from  Great  Britian  ! 

"  Is  it  possible  this  last  movement  should  not 
rouse  us, — and  drive  us — not  to  desperation — 
but  to  our  duty  ? 

"  The  blind  may  see, — the  callous  must  feel, — 
the  spirited  will  act." 

For  the  two  last  years,  Mr  Quincy's  constitu 
tion,  naturally  feeble,  and  susceptible  to  a  very 
extraordinary  degree,  began  to  yield  to  the  contin- 


70 

ued  current  of  his  professional  and  political  occu 
pations.  It  was  his  nature  to  engage,  in  whatever 
he  undertook,  with  an  earnest,  indefatigable  en 
deavour,  which  absorbed  his  whole  mind,  and 
exhausted  his  entire  strength.  In  the  latter  end  of 
1772,  his  complaints  assumed  a  decided  pulmo 
nary  character,  and  it  became  necessary  for  him, 
according  to  the  opinion  of  his  physician,  to  lay 
aside  all  cares,  except  those  which  had  for  their 
object  his  life  and  health.  The  following  letter 
written  by  him  to  his  father,  about  this  time,  is  in 
reply  to  his  parental  inquiries  on  this  subject. 

TO  JOS1AH  QUINCY  ESQ.,   BRAINTREE. 

"•  Boston,  Thursday,  2  o'clock. 
"  Honoured  Sir, 

"  I  thank  you  very  sincerely  for  your  solici 
tude  and  good  wishes.  My  fever  the  last  tvvo 
days  and  nights  seems  almost  wholly  to  have 
left  me ;  my  slumbers  are  sound  and  undisturbed, 
and  the  light  of  the  morning  finds  me  refreshed. 
I  find  my  bodily  health  less  impaired  than  I  could 
expect.  Indeed  I  have  perceived  of  late  no 
propensity  to  that  fainting  and  languor,  which 
the  last  year  troubled  me  so  much.  Dr  Warren 
thinks  that  my  symptoms  are  favourable,  and  my 


71 

prospect  of  health  (humanly  speaking)  certain.  *  * 
Thus  much  to  gratify  you,  sir,  with 
particulars,  and  to  do  it,  has  been  as  much  my 
pleasure,  as  my  duty.  A  little  now  to  gratify 
myself.  The  science  of  giving  advice  is  one  of 
the  most  difficult  of  any  ;  yet  both  the  male  and 
female  world  think  themselves  adepts  in  it.  But 
of  the  few  who  are  any  way  skilled  in  this  nice 
art,  how  few  know  the  mode  of  application,  and 
the  time  to  administer.  But  of  the  empirics  in 
this  mystery,  with  which  the  world  swarms,  how 
few  are  truly  solicitous  about  the  real  welfare  of 
the  pretended  object.  How  many  are  actuated 
by  the  felicity  they  feel,  from  gratifying  the  pride 
of  their  own  hearts  ?  This  may  not  be  any  jus 
tification  of  an  obstinate  mule,  but  it  may  serve 
as  some  palliation  for  the  conduct  of  those  who 
feel,  and  those  who  can  see.  There  are  those 
who  have  the  gift  of  prophecy,  and  many  who 
have  the  gift  of  tongues,  but  alas,  how  few  have 
the  gift  of  persuasion. 

"  With  my  best  wishes  for  the  family,  and  a 
grateful  remembrance  of  your  attachment  and 
goodness  to  me, 

"  I  am  your  very  affectionate  son, 

"  J.   Q.U1NCY    JUN." 


72 

The    encouragement    thus    given    him    by   his 
physician,  however,  proved   delusive,  and  in  Feb 
ruary  1 773,  it  was  decided  that  his   only  hope  of 
life   depended   upon  an   immediate   change   to   a 
more  southern  climate.     He  accordingly   on  the 
eighth  of  that  month  took   passage  from  Boston 
for  Charleston,    South   Carolina,  with   the  inten 
tion  of  returning  from  thence  by  land,  to  Massa 
chusetts.     This   journey,    in  the   state   of  inter 
course  which  then  subsisted  between  the  colonies, 
was  considered  in  the   light  of  a  visit   to   foreign 
lands,  concerning  which  it  was  becoming  the  ad 
venturous  traveller  to  bring  home,  for  his  own  ben 
efit,   or  for    the    instruction   of  others,   whatever 
knowledge  his    rare   opportunities  permitted    him 
to  collect.     His  journal,   although   written   under 
great  disadvantages  from  ill  health,  and  composed 
of  sketches  made  necessarily  in  haste  for  the  pur 
pose  of  aiding  his  own   recollections,    rather  than 
of  being  subservient  to  the  information  of  others, 
contains    many   important   facts   and   interesting 
anecdotes.     It   throws    also   a  strong  light  upon 
the    state     of   manners   and    political    sentiment, 
which  at  that  period  existed  among  the  colonies. 

Some  of  his  particular  observations,   from   the 
familiarity  of  our   present  intercourse,  might  ap- 


73 

pear  trite  and  uninteresting,  and  will  be  omitted, 
as  also  will  be,  for  the  most  part,  all  those  particu- 
ular  strictures  on  the  nature  and  effect  of  that 
portion  of  the  population  of  the  southern  col 
onies,  which  was  most  likely  to  make  the  deepest 
impression  on  an  inhabitant  of  the  northern,  and  by 
which  a  stranger,  of  his  turn  of  mind,  could  not 
fail  to  be  peculiarly  affected.  With  these  excep 
tions  the  journal  will  be  published  entire. 

JOURNAL  OF  A  VOYAGE  TO  SOUTH  CAROLINA,  &C. 

"  The  design  of  the  ensuing  Journal  is,  among 
other  things,  to  gratify  one,  who  has  a  right  to  a 
very  large  share  of  my  thoughts  and  reflections, 
as  well  as  to  participate,  as  far  as  possible,  in  all 
my  amusements  and  vicissitudes.  To  be  a  memo 
rial  of  my  thoughts  as  they  rise,  and  to  remain  a 
future  witness  to  myself  of  the  changes  of  my 
own  sentiments  and  opinions. 

"  To  record  those  kindnesses,  and  little  civili 
ties,  which  might  otherwise  imperceptibly  fleet 
from  the  memory,  but  which  ought  nevertheless 
to  be  held  in  remembrance,  till  we  shall  em 
brace  an  opportunity  fully  to  return  them. 
10 


74 

"  To  those  therefore,  into  whose  hands  this 
Journal,  either  before  or  after  my  death,  may 
chance  to  fall,  the  foregoing  considerations  may 
serve  as  some  excuse  for  those  trifles,  I  foresee  it 
will  contain,  and  shall  not  strive  to  avoid. 

"  JOSIAH    QUINCY  JUN. 

"Boston,  February  8J&,  1773." 

"1773.  February  8th.  Sailed  in  the  Bristol 
Packet,  John  Skimmer  commander,  for  South 
Carolina,  with  the  design  of  taking  the  tour  of 
the  southern  provinces  for  my  health.  The  4Nos 
patriee  fines,  et  dulcia  linquimus  arva,'  of  Virgil 
was  uppermost  in  my  mind,  and  when  I  came  in 
sight  of  my  father's  dwelling,  '  Tu,  Tityre,  lentus 
in  umbra,'  seemed  the  sweetest  harmony  1  ever 
carolled.  *  *  * 

"  A  more  disagreeable  time  can  hardly  be  con 
ceived,  than  the  season  of  my  first  days  and 
nights.  Exhausted  to  the  last  degree,  I  was  too 
Weak  to  rise,  and  in  too  exquisite  pain  to  lie  in 
bed.  Unable  to  take  any  manner  of  food,  I  re 
mained  wholly  confined  to  my  state-room,  till 
pain  forced  me  to  make  one  effort  to  get  fresh  air. 
Assisted  by  two  people,  I  reached  the  foot  of  the 
companion  stairs,  but  was  not  able  to  proceed 


75 

further.  The  fresh  air,  instead  of  refreshing,  at 
first  overcame  me,  and  after  several  fainting  turns, 
I  was  carried  back  to  bed.  My  sickness  came  on 
with  redoubled  violence,  the  night  passed  heavily 
away,  and  my  cabin  was  so  sultry  and  hot,  that 
to  rise  or  perish  seemed  the  only  alternative.  I 
knocked  for  the  watch  upon  deck,  and  with  the 
assistance  of  two  of  them,  was  seated  on  a  hen 
coop,  by  the  side  of  the  binacle.  Scenes  alto 
gether  new  and  surprising  presented  themselves 
to  my  view.  I  had  not  been  on  deck,  since  pass 
ing  the  light-house,  and  had  never  before  been 
out  of  sight  of  land.  The  heavens  were  overcast 
with  black  and  heavy  clouds,  with  here  and  there 
a  light,  flying,  wild  cloud,  interspersed.  A  hard 
northeast  wind,  the  weather  extremely  close, — 
and  distant  flashes  of  lightning  gleamed  all  around 
the  horizon.  The  waves  seemed  to  curl  with 
flames,  just  sufficient  to  make  the  darkness  visible  ; 
and  successive  peals  of  distant  thunder — all  con 
spired  to  make  deep  impressions  and  fit  the  mind 
for  meditation.  To  know  how  all  this  affected 
me,  a  person  must  consider  my  weakness,  my 
situation,  and  cast  of  mind. 

"  What  a  transition  have  I  made,   and   am  still 
making  !    was  the  exclamation  of  my  heart.     In- 


76 

stead  of  stable  earth,  the  fleeting  waters, — the 
little  hall  of  right  and  wrong  is  changed  for  the 
wide,  expanding  immeasurable  ocean.  Instead 
of  petty  jars  and  waspish  disputations,  waves  con 
tend  with  waves,  and  billows  war  with  billows  ; 
seas  rise  in  wrath,  and  mountains  combat  heaven  ; 
clouds  engage  with  clouds,  and  lightnings  dart 
their  vengeful  coruscations  ;  thunders  roll,  and 
oceans  roar  : — all  ether  flames,  and  distant  shores, 
sea,  air,  and  heaven  reverberate  the  mighty  war, 
arid  echo  awful  sounds. 

e  The  sky  it  seems  would  pour  down  livid  flames, 
But  that  the  sea,  mounting  to  the  welkin's  cheek, 
Dashes  the  fire  out.' 

Vast  field  for  contemplation  !  riches  for  mind  and 
fancy  !  astonishing  monuments  of  wisdom  !  mag 
nificent  productions  of  power  !  The  ingenuity, 
the  adventurous  spirit,  the  vast  enterprise  of  man, 
next  succeed  to  employ  reflection.  A  little  skiff, 
scarce  a  speck  in  this  wide  expanse,  flew  through 
the  waves,  and  plyed  this  angry  flood ; — braved 
the  threatening  dangers,  this  world  of  night  and 
chaos. 

"  While  thus  surprised  and  gratified,  I  rejoiced 
to  think  of  my  undertaking ;  and  was  pleased 
with  the  hopes  of  being  wiser  and  better  for  my 


77 

eccentric  motion.  Suddenly  the  weather  chang 
ed,  became  doubly  inclement,  and  cold,  rain,  and 
sleet  threatened  my  health,  if  I  remained  longer 
upon  deck.  But  to  go,  in  my  enfeebled  state,  to 
a  hot  cabin,  was  intolerable.  Rain  and  cold 
appeared  less  dreadful  than  heat  and  bad  air.  I 
sent  for  my  cloak,  which,  with  my  surtout,  was 
to  fit  me  for  a  companion  to  the  sailor  at  the  helm 
till  sunrise.  The  weather  increased  in  badness  ; 
I  became  fretful ; — 'twas  death  almost  to  retire 
to  my  cabin, — an  exclamation  escaped  me, — I  re 
pined,  I  murmured, — I  exclaimed  again, — when 
(I  shall  never  forget  the  sensation)  the  seaman  at 
the  helm  carolled,  with  his  marine  pipe, 

(  How  little  do  these  landmen  know, 
What  we,  poor  sailors,  undergo  ! ' 

"  The  best  divine,  moralist,  or  philosopher 
could  not  have  devised  a  better  cure  for  my  spleen 
and  vexation.  Upon  comparison,  how  little  rea 
son  had  I  for  complaint  !  How  much  ground  of 
gratitude  to  Heaven  !  The  honest  tar  continued 
his  carols,  and  his  notes  were  truly  music  to  my 
ears, — 

e  A  concord  of  sweet  sounds.' 

I  was  persuaded  the  fellow  chanted  his  naval 
tune  to  divert  me,  but  whether  he  expected  to  do 


it  by  the  harmony  of  sounds  and  numbers,  or  by 
the  sentiment  of  his  song  to  alleviate  my  afflictions, 
ia  calling  me  to  consider  those  of  others,  I  doubt 
ed.  But  it  was  wholly  immaterial  to  me  ;  either 
way,  I  was  equally  obliged  to  him.  My  hand 
mechanically  went  to  my  pocket,  but  searched  in 
vain  for  my  purse.  This  was  deposited  in  my 
sea-chest  the  day  before  I  sailed.  Luckily  a 
small  remnant  of  my  last  fee  was  in  the  lining  of 
my  pocket. — I  threw  it  to  the  helmsman,  who, 
in  endeavouring  to  catch  it,  struck  it  half  through 
one  of  the  scupper  holes.  It  was  now  out  of  his 
reach  ;  he  could  not  leave  his  helm  to  get  it ;  I 
could  not  rise  from  my  seat  without  help,  and  no 
one  was  on  deck  but  us  two.  The  witty,  care 
less,  good-humoured  fellow  looked  a  little  cha 
grined  at  first  (for  every  roll  of  the  sea  threaten 
ed  its  loss),  but  with  great  ease  and  indifference, 
turning  upon  his  heel,  he  warbled  with  ineffable 
harmony, 

(  Ah  !  why  should  we  quarrel  for  riches, 
Or  any  such  glittering  toys  ; ?  &c. 

To  know  how  this  turn  of  the  sailor  was  relished, 
to  realize  the  pleasure  it  gave  me,  one  must  know 
»every  circumstance  of  my  situation,  and  every 
feeling  of  my  heart.  *  *  * 


79 

"  Days  of  heat,  cold,  wind,  and  rain  now  rolled 
on.  Confined  to  my  cabin  almost  wholly,  I  be 
came  pale,  wan,  and  spiritless  ;  and,  as  I  have 
since  learned  from  my  servant,  every  person 
on  shipboard  gave  me  over,  and  concluded  I  should 
never  reach  land.  I  was  perfectly  sensible  of  my 
danger,  but  by  being  carried  upon  deck,  night  and 
day,  when  it  did  not  storm  violently,  my  spirits  re 
vived,  but  my  appetite  never.  My  second  week 
at  sea  was  now  passing,  with  only  little  incidents, 
perhaps  no  more  worthy  of  recording,  than  those, 
which,  for  want  of  better  materials,  have  en 
gaged  my  idle  time,  and  found  a  place  in  the  pre 
ceding  pages.  With  us,  came  passenger,  one 

Mr ,  late  a  purser  on  board  his  Majesty's 

twenty-gun  ship  of  war,  lying  in  Boston  har 
bour  ;— a  gentleman  lately  obliged  to  ask  leave 
to  quit  the  service,  for  following  the  practices  and 
examples  of  his  superiors,  which  in  them  escaped 
with  impunity.  '  See  little  villains  hung  by 
great.  * 

"  Mr was  one  day  uttering  his  com 
plaints,  when,  among  other  things,  an  expression 
escaped  him,  remarkable  as  coming  from  one,  who 
had  been  fifteen  years  in  the  crown  service,  and 
retained  much  of  the  peculiar  sentiments  and  man- 


80 

ners  of  such  an  employ.  He  was  speaking  of 
the  partiality  of  a  court  of  inquiry,  which  had  sat 
upon  him,  and  the  little  reason  to  hope  for  justice 
in  a  court  martial,  with  which  he  was  threatened, 
unless  he  would  ask  leave  to  quit  his  birth. 

"  '  Good  God  ! '  cried  he,  '  why  do  I  com 
plain?  What  reason  had  I  to  expect  any  thing 
better.  A  government  that  is  arbitrary  is  always 
unjust.  A  tyranny  in  one,  or  more,  is  ahoays 
cruel  and  unrighteous.'  Such  sentiments  from 
him  surprised  me.  I  was  impatient  to  know 
whether  these  reflections  were  founded  in  his 
heart,  or  were  only  the  overflowings  of  spleen, 
disappointment,  and  revenge.  For  great  is  the 
sense  of  wrong,  when  oppression  touches  our 
selves  ;  weak,  weak  indeed,  when  we  are  ex 
empted  from  all  apparent  danger  of  a  like  mis 
fortune. 

«  Mr was  a  man  of  good  natural  pow 
ers,  considerably  acquainted  with  essays  and  the 
belles-lettres,  though  not  learned,  or  conversant 
with  the  severer  studies.  I  took  this  opportunity 
to  start  the  controversy  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  colonies.  I  spoke  of  the  conduct  of  both, 
of  present  measures,  and  of  the  probable  conse 
quences.  I  hoped  hence  to  draw  the  general 


81 

opinions  of  his  corps,  and  also,  what  must  have 
frequently    transpired     in    his    company,    for   the 
last   seven  years.       «  Very   true,'    said    he,    ;  Mr 
Quincy,  we  all  know  this.     Great  Britain  has  no 
right   to   tax  you.     The  ministry  know  it  as  well 
as    you,    but    money    must    be    had    somewhere. 
Every    thing   is  strained   to  the  utmost  at  home. 
The   people  of   England  see  as  well  as  you,  that 
North  America  must  one  day  be  independent,  and 
it  is  her  interest,  and    most   certainly  that  of  the 
present  administration,  to  prevent  this,  as  much  as 
possible  ;    and    they   will   prevent   it,  for  a   much 
longer  time   than    you   imagine.      For  you   can't 
contend  with   the  power  of  Britain,  whose    navy 
conquers  the  world  ;    and   your   first  men  are  all 
bought    off,  and    will    be   more    and   more   so,  in 
proportion   as  the  ministry  are   wise  and  well   in 
formed.     Who  can  blame  them  for  it  ?    They  are 
in  the  right  of  it  to  do  it,  and  you  are  in  the  right 
of  it,  to  make  opposition  ;  but  all  will  not  do  ;  you 
must  submit  for  a  great  while  yet  to  come.     Whv, 
all  the  world   are  slaves,  and  North  America  can 
not  hope  to  be  free.' 

"  A  train  of  conversation  of  this  kind,  pleased 
and   exasperated.     I  reasoned,  spoke  of  facts,  of 
history,  of  human  nature,  of  glorious  sacrifices — 
11 


82 

till  from  inveighing,  I  almost  stormed.  The  agi 
tation  did  my  health  good,  if  nothing  more  ;  for  I 
wanted  my  blood  to  circulate.  Upon  my  telling 
him,  that  the  present  steps  of  the  British  govern 
ment  were  to  the  last  degree  iniquitous,  repugnant 
to  the  first  notions  of  right  and  wrong, — '  Oh,  Mr 
Quincy,'  he  replied,  '  what  do  you  lell  of  that  for  ? 
there  can  be  no  government  without  fraud  and  in 
justice.  All  government  is  founded  in  corruption. 
The  British  government  is  so.  There  is  no  doing 
without  it  in  state  affairs.'  This  was  a  clencher. 

«  Well,  I  hope,  Mr ,  you  will  never  more 

complain  of  arbitrary  proceedings,  and  wrong,  and 
cruelty,  seeing  such  is  the  government  you  have 
served,  and  are  now  raging  to  be  employed  by.' 
1  Yes,  yes,  when  it  touches  one's  self,  we  have  a 
right  to  complain.  Was  any  one  ever  served  as  I 

have  been  ?     Admiral has  himself,  to  my 

knowledge,  done  ten  times  as  bad,  and  yet  the 
scoundrel  persecuted  me  with  unrelenting,  brutal 
cruelty.'  Here  I  let  matters  drop,  making  only  a 
few  natural  reflections  on  the  character  of  man. 
*  *  *  *  In  the  course  of  this  time  I  had  a 
good  opportunity  of  discovering  the  great  corrup 
tion  of  administration,  and  the  gross  frauds  of  the 
servants  of  the  crown.  Mr  frequently 


83 

owned  to  me,  that  his  salary  and  birth  were  only 
worth  £45  sterling  a  year,  but  that  the  year  be 
fore  last  he  made  £300,  and  the  last  six  months, 
at  the  rate  of  £400  sterling  a  year.  And  this 
will  not  seem  at  all  incredible  to  those  who  are 
informed  of  the  ways  and  means  of  doing  it,  and 
the  sharers  and  connivers  at  it, 

"  February  21,  1773.  This  morning  we  were 
within  thirty  leagues  of  our  port,  which  we  should 
have  probably  reached  the  preceding  day,  had  we 
not  been  becalmed  twenty-four  hours.  At  about 
seven  o'clock,  A.  M.  a  black  cloud  hung  over  the 
northeastern  part  of  the  horizon,  and  at  ten,  the 
winds  rose  extremely  high,  at  N.  N.  E.  Before 
night,  the  wind  blew  a  hurricane.  Every  thing 
threatened  a  terrible  tempest.  We  were  in  the  lati 
tude  of  the  Bermudas  ;  a  latitude  remarkable  for 
storms  and  whirlwinds.  The  hurry,  noise,  and  con 
fusion  of  preparing  for  the  storm,  was  astonishing 
to  one,  never  in  a  like  situation.  Rain,  hail,  snow, 
and  sleet  descended  with  great  violence,  and  the 
winds  and  waves  raged  all  night.  About  four  in  the 
morning  Captain  Skimmer  called  to  me,  saying, 
4  Mr  Quincy,  come  and  see  here  ;  you  may  now 
say  you  have  seen  a  storm  at  sea.  1  never  saw 
so  dismal  a  time  in  my  life.'  The  scene  beggars 


84 

all  description.  As  the  day  advanced,  at  times 
light  openings  in  the  clouds  gave  a  view  of  the 
horrors%ali  around  us  ;  such  apertures  were  ever 
attended  by  a  tenfold  gust  of  wind.  The  waves 
rose  in  mountains  on  each  side,  and  we  were  alter 
nately  elevated  to  the  clouds,  and  sunk  in  the 
deep.  I  frequently  saw  the  yards  plunged  in  the 
waves,  and  was  often  sent  by  force  of  the  mo 
tion,  across  the  cabin.  I  used  to  keep  myself  in 
bed,  by  throwing  my  left  arm  over  my  right 
shoulder,  and  then  twisting  a  cord,  fastened  to  the 
side  of  the  vessel,  round  my  wrist ;  I  thus  pre 
vented  my  being  pitched  out  of  bed.  It  was  so 
dark,  by  reason  of  thick  fogs,  that  at  mid-day 
you  could  not  see  the  end  of  the  bowsprit,  and 
often  scarce  discern  the  yards.  The  exhalations 
from  the  water  resembled,  in  density,  and  much 
in  smell,  the  vapour  from  a  burning  lime  kiln. 
In  short,  horror  was  all  around  us.  Our  Captain 

had  been  thirty  years  a  seaman  :  Mr had 

been  on  all  the  coasts  of  Europe  and  America  ; 
and  the  mariners  had,  one  or  other  of  them,  visit 
ed  most  parts  of  the  ocean,  but  none  of  them  had 
seen  so  terrible  a  time.  Seas  struck  us  repeatedly, 
with  terrible  concussions,  and  all  seemed  to  ex 
pect  instant  death.  In  this  manner  day  succeeded 


85 

day,  and  night  closed  upon  night  ;  here  a  gleam 
of  hope,  and  then  anon  a  bitter  disappointment. 
In  vain  did  we  look  for  change ;  tempest  and 
whirlwinds  seemed  to  have  attained  stability. 

*  In  every  place 

{  Flamed  amazement. Not  a  soul 

*  But  felt  a  fever  of  the  mind.' 

"  On  Wednesday  night  (February  24th),  the 
rain  much  abated,  but  the  clouds  did  not  disperse, 
nor  the  winds  lull.  I  put  my  head  out  of  the 
companion-door,  in  order  to  take  a  view,  and 
could  not  help  repeating  those  beautiful  lines  of 
our  poet  : 

*  Unmufflc,  ye  faint  stars  ;  and  thou,  fair  Moon, 
That  wont'st  to  love  the  traveller's  benison, 
Stoop  thy  pale  visage  through  an  amber  cloud, 
And  disinherit  Chaos,  that  reigns  here.' 

"  February  25th.  On  Thursday  things  re 
mained  much  as  they  were  ;  towards  night  the 
clouds  were  dispelled,  stars  were  here  and  there 
to  be  seen,  and  every  thing  seemed  to  promise 
better  times  ;  but  our  hope  was  '  as  the  morning 
cloud,  and  evening  dew.'  Before  daylight,  seas, 
winds,  snow  and  rain,  raged  more  than  ever.  All 
matters  had,  previous  to  this,  been  disposed  to 
encounter  the  worst.  Every  thing  was  cither 


86 

lashed  upon  deck,  or  removed  from  it.  Axes  had 
been  delivered  out,  and  all  was  prepared  for  cutting 
away  the  masts ;  which  we  expected  to  be  obli 
ged  to  do,  every  minute.  We  had  long  lain 
under  bare  poles,  except  what  is  called  a  balanced 
mainsail,  to  keep  her  head  to  the  winds  and  seas 
as  far  as  possible.  All  now  retired  to  the  steer 
age  or  cabin  ;  none  remained  upon  deck.  We 
drew  towards  the  shore  with  incredible  swiftness, 
considering  we  carried  no  sail.  Seas  broke  over 
us  often  ;  now  and  then  one  would  strike  with 
enormous  force.  The  whole  of  this  night  (after 
eight  o'clock),  I  believe  every  soul  on  board 
expected  to  perish.  We  were  now  in  that  lati 
tude,  in  which  the  remains  of  my  elder  brother 
were  deposited  in  the  ocean,  and  probably  very 
near  the  spot  where  the  ship,  with  Mr  John 
Apthorp  and  lady  on  board,  foundered.  It  was 
impossible  at  this  season  to  exclude  this  from 
remembrance.  The  mind  dwelt  upon  it.  Es 
pecially,  as  in"  case  of  our  loss,  there  would 
have  been  a  like  ignorance  of  our  fate,  and  length 
of  expectation  of  friends,  as  in  the  unhappy  case 
of  Mr  Apthorp  and  his  lady.  To  consider,  to 
ruminate,  to  waver,  to  despond,  to  hope,  and 
ponder  anew,  was  natural  to  the  scene. 


87 


*  A  thousand  fantasies 
Begin  to  throng  into  the  memory, 
Of  calling  shapes,  and  beckoning  shadows  dire, 
And  aery  tongues,  that  syllable  men's  names 
On  sands,  and  shores,  and  desert  wildernesses.' 

"  Providence  now  gratified  a  frequent  desire  of 
my  heart, — that  I  might  be  in  a  situation,  so 
circumstanced,  as  to  be  fully  convinced  of  a 
speedy  departure  to  that  '  bourn,'  from  which  'no 
traveller  returns;' — that  I  might  have  the  exer 
cise  of  my  understanding, — time  to  examine  my 
heart, — to  reflect  upon  the  past, — look  forward 
to  the  future, — weigh  and  consider  whether  I 
leaned  upon  'the  pillared  firmament,' — or  'rot 
tenness.' 

"  To  notice  the  operations  of  the  mind,  and 
observe  the  emotions  of  the  spirits  at  such  seasons, 
is  certainly  a  duty,  and  a  very  profitable  employ. 
The  justness  of  our  sentiments,  opinions,  and 
judgments  concerning  all  subjects,  is  here  brought 
to  the  test ;  and  the  propriety,  right,  and  equity 
of  our  past  lives,  must  stand  an  audit.  We  hence 
are  powerfully  taught,  what  is  folly,  what  wis 
dom, — what  right,  and  what  wrong  ; — the  duties 
we  have  omitted,  and  those  we  have  performed  ; 
— a  reflection  upon  the  one  is  pungent,  a  review 
of  the  other  exquisitely  joyous. 


"  Experience  gives  weight  and  energy  to  what 
before  was  fluctuating  and  feeble. 

"  I  had  often  in  past  life  expressed  my  creed, 
that  every  man  died  a  hater  of  tyrants,  an  abhor- 
rer  of  oppression,  a  lover  of  his  country,  and  a 
friend  to  mankind.  My  conviction  upon  this 
head  now  received  confirmation.  I  hope  I  shall 
never  forget  the  resolutions  I  then  formed,  the 
sentiments  I  then  entertained.  I  make  this  min 
ute  I  am  now  writing,  as  a  memorial  of  the  past, 
and  a  memento  for  the  future ;  to  aid  me  in 
engraving  them  on  the  tablet  of  my  heart.  At  the 
making  of  this  minute  I  have  not  yet  reached  the 
land  :  the  day  is  more  cheerful,  but  dangers  not 
at  an  end.  I  pray  God  to  seal  instruction  at  this 
instant ; — that  every  thought  and  sentiment  which 
is  just  and  true, — that  every  resolution  which  is 
good  and  noble,  may  not  be  shipwrecked  in  the 
future  whirl  or  tempest  of  tumultuous  passions, — 
become  the  fleetings  of  a  bird  of  passage, — '  the 
baseless  fabrick  of  a  vision,' — but  stable  as  the 
4  pillared  firmament,'  and  influential  as  the  mid 
day  sun. 

"  February  26th.  Upwards  of  an  hundred 
hours  had  now  passed  without  sight  of  the  sun  ; 
the  wind  had  set  almost  wholly  from  N.  N.  E.  ; 


89 

the  gulf-stream  (said  to  run  along  the  Carolina 
shore  upwards  of  five  knots  an  hour)  directly 
opposite.  All  of  a  sudden  the  water  changed 
colour ;  we  threw  the  lead  and  found  soundings  ; 
— the  terror  and  confusion  on  shipboard  was  now 
great  indeed.  Whether  the  land  was  off  the  bar 
of  Carolina,  Roman  shoals,  or  the  Bahama  sands, 
was  altogether  uncertain  to  every  person  on  board. 
New  dangers  now  stared  us  in  the  face.  Neces 
sity  compelled  us  to  venture  upon  deck,  and  to 
hoist  a  reefed  fore-sail  ;  for  the  wind  set  violently 
on  the  shore.  At  this  time  it  was  about  eight  in 
the  morning.  In  the  afternoon  the  clouds  seemed 
again  to  scatter,  and  though  we  flattered  ourselves 
less  than  before,  yet  the  signs  of  better  weather 
worked  forcibly  on  our  hopes.  At  night  how 
ever,  new  clouds  arose,  with  redoubled  heaviness 
and  blackness,  and  our  captain  said  he  believed 
we  should  have  a  harder  time  than  ever.  The 
winds  changed  almost  every  minute,  and  what 
is  very  extraordinary  considering  their  violence, 
these  variations  W7ere  to  directly  opposite  points  of 
compass.  We  had  the  greatest  reason  to  fear  the 
consequence ;  but  the  rain  falling  in  incredible 
floods  imperceptibly  allayed  the  seas,  and  assuag 
ed  the  storm. 
12 


90 

"  After  a  very  trying  night  to  those  sailors  who 
kept  the  deck,  the  morning  broke  with  signs  of 
fair  weather.  At  twelve  o'clock  (February  27th), 
we  had  a  tolerably  good  observation,  and  found 
ourselves  to  the  southward  of  our  port.  Our 
crew  were  spent,  pale,  and  spiritless.  The  pleas 
ures  of  a  returning  sun  are  not  to  be  conceived 
but  by  those  who  have  been  in  like  jeopardies 
and  trials. 

"  We  had  once  during  the  storm  discovered  a 
ship  near  us  ;  we  now  again  saw  her.  Each 
made  a  signal  to  speak  together,  and  each  bearing 
down  upon  the  other,  we  met  just  at  twelve 
o'clock.  It  proved  to  be  a  ship  from  St  Croix. 
She  had  scarce  a  rag  of  sail  standing  ;  most  of 
her  running  rigging  gone  ;  her  hands  alternately 
at  the  pump.  She  looked  distressfully  enough. 

"  Each  one  on  board  our  brig  began  now  to 
compare  our  own  case  with  that  of  our  fellow 
voyager,  who  appeared  bound  to  the  same  port 
with  us  ; — all  were  moralizing  on  the  scene  ; — 
for  we  had  comparatively  suffered  no  such  dam 
age  in  the  storm.  Extreme  precaution,  watchful 
ness,  and  steadiness  in  our  master,  great  activity 
and  courage  in  our  crew,  all  knowing  and 
willing  to  do  their  duty  ;  with  extremely  fine 


91 

sails,  rigging,  &c.,  had  saved  us  from  much 
injury,  which  we  should  otherwise  certainly  have 
suffered.  The  captain  of  the  ship  told  us  that  he 
had  been  a  seaman  twenty-one  years',  and  never 
had  seen  '  such  a  time  in  his  days.'  No  person  on 
board  our  vessel  had  ever  been  to  Carolina,  which 
occasioned  our  captain  to  ask  the  master  of  the 
ship,  whether  he  had  ever  been  the  like  voyage  be 
fore  ;  to  which  he  answered,  <  Yes,  about  twenty- 
one  years  ago.'  On  our  replying  that  we  had 
never  been  there,  the  hearty  fellow  commanding 
the  ship  cheerfully  said, — c  Give  us  this  sun,  and 
this  breeze,  and  we  '11  soon  be  better  acquainted 
with  the  way.'  I  could  not  help  being  surprized 
with  this  sort  of  ease  and  jollity,  immediately 
after  such  hair-breadth  'scapes,  and  in  such  a 
shattered  condition.  Our  crew  were  mightily 
pleased  with  his  courage, — and  a  horse  laugh, 
'brave  fellow,'  &c.  re-echoed  through  our  bark. 

"  This  interview,  also,  was  one  of  those  we 
must  experience,  before  we  can  form  a  true  idea 
of  its  pleasure.  It  was  far  beyond  what  a  mere 
landsman  would  suppose.  We  soon  outsailed  the 
ship,  but  before  we  had  gone  far,  our  captain  on  a 
sudden  seemed  very  angry  with  himself.  No  one 
knew  the  cause  of  his  agitation,  when  he  ordered 


92 

the  peak  of  the  mainsail  dropped,  and  to  bear 
down  again  on  the  ship  ;  which  being  done,  we 
all  waited  to  know  the  cause  of  it.  Every  coun 
tenance  seemed  to  express  wonder,  at  what  it 
could  mean,  and  the  hurry  of  executing  the 
orders  of  the  master  prevented  us  from  asking 
questions.  While  we  were  thus  waiting  with  ex 
pectation,  the  speaking  trumpet  resounded,  '  Do 
you  want  any  thing  that  I  have  got ; — provisions, 
water,  canvass,  or  rigging  ?  '  What  were  the 
sensations  of  my  heart  at  this  question  ?  and  how 
were  my  spirits  moved,  when  the  hoarse  reply 
was  ; — 4  No,  no,  plenty,  plenty  here  yet,  thank 
God  !  Who  is  the  commander  of  that  brig  ? ' 
'John  Skimmer.'  '  God  send  you  well  in  !  ' 

"  This  scene  almost  overcame  me,  for  I  was 
weak  and  feeble.  Here  was  a  most  beautiful 
assemblage  of  sympathies  and  virtues,  and  my 
mind  was  so  softened  by  disease  and  misfortune, 
that  it  was  well  fitted  to  feel  the  energy  of  such 
an  union.  Humanity  and  benevolence,  gratitude 
and  thankfulness,  were  shown  reciprocally  in  the 
offer  and  return,  and  vied  in  lustre  ; — a  similitude 
of  calamity  had  inspired  friendship  and  charity. 
It  has  been  said,  that  *  necessity  is  the  mother 
of  invention,' — may  we  not  also  say,  that  misfor 
tune  is  the  parent  of  virtue  ? 


93 

*  What  sorrow  is,  thou  bid'st  us  know, 
And  from  our  own,  we  learn  to  melt  at  others'  woe.' 

"  February  28th.  We  now  were  off  Charles 
ton  Bar,  and  the  wind  being  in  our  teeth,  we 
were  the  whole  day  beating  up.  Just  before 
sunset  we  passed  the  fort.  Charleston  appeared 
situated  between  two  large,  spacious  rivers.  The 
number  of  shipping  far  surpassed  any  thing  I  had 
ever  seen  in  Boston.  On  landing  on  Sunday 
evening,  the  town  struck  me  very  agreeably  ;  the 
number  of  inhabitants,  and  the  appearance  of  the 
buildings  far  exceeded  my  expectations."  *  *  * 

The  following  letter  of  this  date  is  found  among 
Mr  Quincy's  papers. 

TO   MRS   QUINCY,   BOSTON. 

Charleston,  S.  C.  March  1,  1773. 
The  first  emotion  of  my  heart  is  gratitude  to 
Heaven  ;— the  second,  love  to  my  friend  nearer 
than  a  brother.  How  much  we  owe  to  God,  can 
only  be  known  by  reflection  on  the  imminent  dan 
gers,  from  which  I  have  been  delivered.  A 
voyage  more  disagreeable,  dangerous,  and  terrible, 
perhaps  was  never  passed,  than  that  which  landed 
me  upon  this  distant  shore.  *  *  *  *  *  * 


94 

*     *     *     *     I  omit  lesser  hardships,  disappoint 
ments,  and  afflictions.     I  cannot  say  that  I  was 
ever  well  at  sea,  although  I  was  not  always  very 
ill.     What   cause   have   we  for   thankfulness.      I 
had  not  the  least  expectation  of  ever  seeing  you, 
or   my  dear  boy,   again ;    I    was  fully   convinced 
that    we   must   perish.       Heaven  has  gratified   a 
frequent  desire  of  my  heart, — that  I   might  once 
see  death  before  my  eyes,  as  if  striking  his  dart ; 
— that  I  might  know,  if  possible,  the  stability  of 
what    I  lean   on  ; — whether   '  the   pillared   firma 
ment,'  or  'rottenness.'     How  often  did  I  rejoice 
that  ignorance  freed  my  first  and  best  friends  from 
pain  on  my   account ;   and   that  long  expectation 
of  hearing  from  me,  would  lessen  the  weight  of 
what    length    of   time    must   convince    them    of. 
How  often  did  I  feel  the  pang  of  separation,  and 
look  forward   to  that   «  bourn,'  from    whence  <  no 
traveller    returns.'       How    frequently    clasp    my 
dear  boy,  and  view  him  in  a  wide,  corrupt  world ; 
— destitute  of  the  instruction,  vigilance,  care,  and 
protection  of  a  father. 

"  You  will  doubtless  wish  to  know  what  real 
damage  our  vessel  sustained,  and  when  I  tell  you 
but  a  very  trifle  to  her  rigging,  you  may  be  sur 
prised.  But  the  wonder  will  cease  when  I  in- 


95 

form  you,  that  our  brig  was  remarkably  well 
found  :  new  sails,  rigging,  and  in  very  fine  order, 
active  and  good  seamen,  and  a  most  incompara 
ble  commander.  Such  precaution  before  dan 
ger,  such  vigilance,  activity,  and  firmness  in  it, 
were  truly  astonishing ;  we  passengers  almost 
idolized  him.  But  before  the  storm  was  over,  all 
were  nearly  beat  out, — master  and  mariners,  as 
good  as  ever  stepped  between  stem  and  stern  of 
a  ship.  But  I  must  have  done.  Last  evening  at 
dusk  I  landed  here,  in  better  health  than  could 
be  expected,  especially  when  you  are  told,  that 
the  wet  of  the  cabin,  and  dampness  of  my  bed, 
were  so  great,  that  the  one  was  flowing,  and  the 
other  might  have  been  wrung.  This  town  makes 
a  most  beautiful  appearance  as  you  come  up  to  it, 
and  in  many  respects  a  magnificent  one.  Al 
though  I  have  not  been  here  twenty  hours,  I  have 
traversed  the  most  populous  parts  of  it.  I  can 
only  say  in  general,  that  in  grandeur,  splendour 
of  buildings,  decorations,  equipages,  numbers, 
commerce,  shipping,  and  indeed  in  almost  every 
thing,  it  far  surpasses  all  I  ever  saw,  or  ever 
expected  to  see  in  America.  Of  their  manners, 
literature,  understanding,  spirit  of  true  liberty, 
policy  and  government,  I  can  form  no  adequate 


96 

judgment.  All  seems  at  present  to  be  trade, 
riches,  magnificence,  and  great  state  in  every 
thing  ;  much  gaiety,  and  dissipation. 

"There  are  such  a  multitude  of  ghosts  and 
shadows  here,  that  I  make  not  so  bad  a  figure  on 
comparison.  I  shall  give  you  an  account  of  my 
health,  when  I  can  with  certainty  ;  every  thing 
looks  favourable  at  present  that  way." 


JOURNAL    CONTINUED, 


"February  28th,  1773.  On  landing  on  Sun 
day  evening  I  proceeded  to  the  coffee-house,  where 
was  a  great  resort  of  company,  busy  and  noisy. 
I  here  met  with  Mr  Lavinus  Clarkson,  to  whom 
I  had  letters,  who  much  befriended  me  in  getting 
lodgings,  which  we  were  put  to  great  difficulty  to 
obtain.  By  ten  o'clock,  however,  we  procured 
one  near  the  statehouse,  and  this  night  I  had  the 
most  refreshing  slumber  I  ever  enjoyed.  In  the 
morning  the  same  gentleman  politely  attended  me 
to  introduce  me  to  those  to  whom  I  had  letters  of 
recommendation. 

"March  1st.  This  and  the  next  day,  I 
spent  in  traversing  the  town  and  viewing  the 
public  buildings  and  the  most  elegant  mansion 
houses. 


97 

"  March  2d.  This  day  I  was  visited  by  several 

gentlemen,  to   whom  yesterday  I   had   delivered 

letters.     Received  a  ticket  from  David  Deis  Esq. 

for   the    St    Cecilia  concert,    and  now   quit   my 

journal  to  go. 

March  3d.  The  concert-house  is  a  large,  inele 
gant  building,  situated   down   a   yard,  at    the   en 
trance  of  which  I  was  met   by  a   constable,    with 
his  staff.      I  offered   him   my   ticket,    which    was 
subscribed   by   the  name  of  the   person  giving   it, 
and  directing  admission  of  me  by  name.     The  of 
ficer  told  me  to  proceed.     I   did,  and   was  next 
met  by  a  white  waiter,  W7ho  directed  me  to  a  third, 
to  whom  I  delivered  my  ticket,  and  was  conduct 
ed  in.     The  music  was  good, — the  two  base  viols 
and  French  horns  were  grand.     One  Abercrombie, 
a  Frenchman  just  arrived,  played  the  first  violin, 
and  a  solo  incomparably  better   than  any   one    I 
ever  heard.      He  cannot  speak  a  word  of  English, 
and  has  a  salary  of  five   hundred   guineas  a  year 
from  the   St   Cecilia    Society.     There   were   up 
wards   of  two   hundred   and  fifty  ladies  present, 
and  it  was   called  no   great  number.      In    lofti 
ness    of   headdress,    these    ladies    stoop    to    the 
daughters  of  the  north, — in  richness  of  dress,  sur 
pass  them, — in  health  and  floridity  of  countenance, 
13 


98 

vail  to  them.     In  taciturnity  during  the  perform 
ances,  greatly  before  our  ladies ;  in  noise  and  flirta 
tion  after  the  music  is  over,  pretty  much  on  a  par. 
If  our  ladies  have  any  advantage,    it   is  in    white 
and    red,    vivacity    and    spirit.       The   gentlemen 
many  of  them  dressed  with  richness  and  elegance, 
uncommon  with  us  :  many  with  swords  on.      We 
had    two   macaronis   present,  just    arrived    from 
London.     This   character  I  found   real,  and  not 
fictitious.     '  See  the  macaroni  !  '  was   a   common 
phrase  in  the  hall.     One  may  be   styled   the  bag, 
the  other  the  queue  macaroni.     Mr  Deis  was  very 
polite,   and    introduced    me   to   most   of  the   first 
characters  : — among  the  rest  to   Lord  Charles  G. 
Montague,  the  Governor,  who  was  to  sail  next  day 
for  London, — to  the  chief  justice  and  two  of  the 
assistant  judges,    and    several   of    the     council. 
Spent  this  day,  March  3d,  in  viewing  horses,  rid 
ing  over  the  town,  and  into  the  vicinity,   and  re 
ceiving  formal  compliments. 

"  March  4th,  Thursday.  Dined  with  David 
Deis  Esq.  with  four  other  gentlemen, — good 
wines,  and  festivity.  The  first  toast,  '  The  King;' 
the  second,  a  lady  ;  the  third,  <  Our  friends  at 
Boston,  and  your  (meaning  my)  fireside.'  The 
master  of  the  feast  then  called  to  the  gentleman  on 


99 

his  right  hand  for  a  lady.  This  was  done  to 
every  one  at  table,  except  the  ladies,  who  were 
called  on  for  a  gentleman,  and  gave  one  with  ease. 
No  compulsion  in  drinking,  except  that  a  bumper 
was  called  for  at  the  third  toast.  Politics  an  un 
interesting  topic. 

March  5th,  Friday.  Dined  at  a  very  elegantly 
disposed,  and  plentiful  table  at  the  house  of  John 
Mathews  Esq.  in  company  with  the  chief  justice 
of  St  Augustine,  and  several  other  gentlemen. 
No  political  conversation. 

March  6th.  This  day  was  to  have  been  spent 
with  T.  L.  Smith  Esq.  at  his  country  seat.  Bad 
weather  prevented,  and  1  took  what  is  called  a 
family  dinner  with  him  in  town.  Before  dinner 
a  short  account  of  the  late  disputes  with  the 
Governor,  Lord  Charles  G.  Montague,  and  the 
state  of  matters  at  present.  No  politics  after 
dinner. 

"  Sunday,  March  7th.  Went  to  St  Philip's 
church — very  few  present,  though  the  first  part 
of  the  day  is  the  most  full.  A  young  clergy 
man  read  prayers,  with  the  most  gay,  indif 
ferent,  and  gallant  air  imaginable.  A  very  ele 
gant  piece  of  modern  declamatory  composition 
was  delivered  by  another  clergyman  by  way  of 


100 

sermon  from  these  words  in  Job: — '  Acquaint  now 
thyself  writh  God  :  that  good  may  come  of  it.' 
Having  heard  a  young  church  clergyman  very 
coxcomically  advance  a  few  days  before,  that  no 
sermon  ought  to  exceed  twenty-five  minutes,  I 
had  the  curiosity  to  see  by  my  watch,  whether 
our  clerical  instructer  was  of  the  same  sentiments, 
and  found  that  he  shortened  the  space  above  seven 
minutes  and  a  half.  This  divine,  after  showing 
that  avocations,  business,  &c.  precluded  a  certain 
species  of  acquaintance  with  God,  very  sagely 
said,  '  I  come  now  to  show  that  there  is  a  cer 
tain  allowable  acquaintance  with  God.3  Qu. 
What  kind  of  acquaintance  can  the  creature  have 
with  the  Creator  which  is  not  allowable  ?  This 
church  is  the  most  decorated  within,  though  not 
the  most  splendid  without,  of  any  in  the  place. 
I  find  that  in  the  several  places  of  public  worship 
which  I  have  visited,  a  much  greater  taste  for 
marble  monuments  prevails  here,  than  with  us  to 
the  northward.  A  majority  of  both  sexes  at  pub 
lic  assemblies  appear  in  mourning,  and  I  have 
been  told,  that  mourning  apparel  at  funerals  is 
greatly  in  fashion. 

"  March  8th.      Dined  with  a  large  company  at 
Miles  Brewton's  Esq.  a  gentleman  of  very    large 


101 

fortune, — a  most  superb  house,  said  to  have  cost 
him  8000£.  sterling.  Politics  started  before  din 
ner:  a  hot,  sensible,  flaming  tory,  one  Mr , 

a  native  of  Britain,  advanced,  that  <  Great  Britain 
had  better  be  without  any  of  the  colonies  :  that 
she  committed  a  most  capital  political  blunder 
in  not  ceding  Canada  to  France  :  that  all  the 
northern  colonies  to  the  colony  of  New  York, 
and  even  New  York  also,  were  now  working 
the  bane  of  Great  Britain  :  that  Great  Britain 
would  do  wisely  to  renounce  the  colonies  to  the 
north,  and  leave  them  a  prey  to  their  continental 
neighbours,  or  foreign  powers  :  that  none  of  the 
political  writings  or  conduct  of  the  colonies  would 
bear  any  examination  but  Virginia,  and  none 
could  lay  any  claim  to  encomium  but  that  prov 
ince  :' — strongly  urged,  '  that  the  Massachusetts 
were  aiming  at  sovereignty  over  the  other  prov 
inces,  that  they  now  took  the  lead,  wrere  assum 
ing,  dictatorial,"  &:c.  &c.  4  You  may  depend  up 
on  it,'  added  he,  '  that  if  Great  Britain  should 
renounce  the  sovereignty  of  this  continent,  or  if 
the  colonies  shake  themselves  clear  of  her  au 
thority,  that  you  all  (meaning  the  Carolinas  and 
the  other  provinces)  will  have  governors  sent  you 
from  Boston.  Boston  aims  at  nothing  less  than 


102 

the  sovereignty  of  this  whole  continent — I  know 
it.'  It  was  easy  to  see  the  drift  of  this  discourse. 
I  remarked  that  all  this  was  new  to  me;  that  if 
it  was  true,  it  was  a  great  and  good  ground  of 
distrust  and  disunion  between  the  colonies  ; 
that  I  could  not  say  what  the  other  provinces  had 
in  view,  or  thought,  but  I  was  sure  that  the  in 
habitants  of  Massachusetts  paid  a  very  great  re 
spect  to  all  the  sister  provinces  ;  that  she  revered 
almost,  the  leaders  in  Virginia,  and  much  respect 
ed  those  of  Carolina.  Mr replied,  'When 

it  comes  to  the  test,  Boston  will  give  the  other 
provinces  the  shell,  and  the  shadow,  and  keep  the 
substance.  Take  away  the  power  and  superin 
tendence  of  Britain,  and  the  colonies  must  submit 
to  the  next  power.  Boston  would  soon  have  that. 
Power  rules  all  things;  they  might  allow  the 
others  a  paltry  representation,  but  that  would  be 
all.'  The  company  seemed  attentive,  and  in 
credulous, — were  taking  sides,  when  the  call  of 

dinner  turned  the  subject  of  attention. 

seemed  well  bred  and  learned,  but  very  warm 
and  irascible.  From  his  singular  looks  and  beha 
viour,  I  suspected  he  knew  my  political  path.  A 
most  elegant  table,  three  courses,  &c.  &c. 


103 

At  Mr  Brewton's  side-board  was  very  magnifi 
cent  plate.  A  very  fine  bird  kept  familiarly 
playing  about  the  room,  under  our  chairs  and  the 
table,  picking  up  the  crumbs,  and  perching  on 
the  window  and  side-board. 

"  March  8th.  Received  complimentary  visits 
from  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  Esq.,  Messrs 
Bee,  Parsons,  Simpson,  Scott, — all  gentlemen  of 
the  bar.  I  was  much  entertained  with  Mr  Pinck 
ney  7s  conversation,  who  appeared  a  man  of  bril 
liant  natural  powers,  and  improved  by  a  British 
education  at  the  Temple.  This  gentleman  pre 
sented  me  with  the  only  digest  of  the  laws  of  the 
province,  made  some  years  since  by  Mr  Simpson, 
late  Attorney  General  (in  the  absence  of  Sir 
Eagerton  Leigh).  This  present  was  the  more 
acceptable,  as  there  is  no  collection  of  the  laws 
of  this  province  in  a  book,  to  be  had. 

"  March  9th.  Spent  all  the  morning  in  view 
ing  the  public  library,  state-house,  public  offices, 
&c.  Was  accompanied  by  Messrs  Pinckney  and 
Rutledge,  two  young  gentlemen  lately  from  the 
Temple,  where  they  took  the  degree  of  Barris 
ter  at  law.  The  public  library  is  a  handsome, 
square,  spacious  room,  containing  a  large  collec 
tion  of  very  valuable  books,  prints,  globes,  &c. 


104 

I  received  much  information  and  entertainment 
from  the  above  gentlemen.  Mr in 
formed  me  of  an  anecdote  to  which  he  was 
personally  knowing,  which  I  desired  him  several 
times  to  repeat,  that  I  might  be  the  better  able 
to  relate  it.  He  said,  that  two  gentlemen  playing 
at  a  tavern,  one  of  them  gave  the  pretender's 
health,  the  other  refused  to  drink  it :  upon  which 
he  who  gave  the  toast  threw  his  glass  of  wine  in 
the  refuser's  face.  For  this  an  action  of  trespass 
was  brought,  and  Sir  Fletcher  Norton  closed  the 
cause  in  behalf  of  the  plaintiff,  before  Lord 
Mansfield,  at  Nisi  prius.  His  lordship,  in  sum 
ming  up  the  case,  told  the  jury  it  was  a  most 
trifling  affair,  that  the  action  ought  never  to  have 
been  brought,  and  they  ought  to  find  the  offender 
not  guilty.  Sir  Fletcher,  after  his  lordship  had 
sat  down,  rose  immediately  in  some  heat,  and 
asked  his  lordship,  <  if  he  did  not  intend  to  say 
any  thing  more  to  the  jury.'  Lord  Mansfield. 
«  No,  Sir  Fletcher,  I  did  not.'  Sir  Fletcher.  '  I 
pray  to  be  heard  then,  and  I  do  publicly  aver 
it  to  be  law,  that  if  one  man  throws  wine  out  of 
a  glass  at  another  in  anger,  it  is  an  assault  and 
battery ;  this  I  declare  for  law,  and  I  do  here 
pawn  my  reputation  as  a  lawyer  upon  it.'  Lord 


105 

Mansfield.  «  Poo,  poo,  poo  !  Sir  Fletcher,  it  is  a 
most  trifling  affair.'  Sir  Fletcher.  <  Poo,  poo, 
poo,  my  lord  !  I  don't  intend  to  be  poo,  poo, 
poo'd  out  of  it  neither.  I  renew  my  declaration, 
and  affirm  it  to  be  law  ;  and  if  the  jury  don't 
hear  law  from  the  court,  they  shall  from  the  bar. 
I  affirm  again,  that  it  is  an  assault  and  battery.' 

"  Here  Sir  Fletcher  sat  down  and  spoke  so  loud 
as  that  the  whole  court,  bar,  and  jury  heard  him ; 
— '  He  had  as  good  retract  his  opinion  now,  as 
do  it  another  time.'  Meaning  on  a  motion  for  a 
new  trial,  for  mis-direction  of  the  judge  on  a 
point  of  law.  Lord  Mansfield  did  not  think  fit 

to    take  any  notice   of  all  this. Compare  this 

with  some  manoeuvres  of  the  little  gods  at  the 
north. 

"March  10th.  Dined  with  Thomas  Smith 
Esq.  with  several  gentlemen  and  ladies.  Excel 
lent  wines  and  no  politics.  Spent  the  evening 
at  the  assembly.  Bad  music,  good  dancing,  and 
elegantly  disposed  supper. 

"March  llth.     Dined  with  Roger  Smith  Esq. 

—good    deal    of   company — elegant    table; — one 

cloth    removed,   a  handsome   dessert,  good  wines, 

and  much  festivity.     The  ladies  were  called  on 

for  toasts. 

14 


106 

"In  company  were  two  of  the  late  appointed 
assistant  justices  from  Great  Britain.  Their  be 
haviour  by  no  means  abated  my  zeal  against 
British  appointments.  In  company  dined  Thomas 
Bee  Esq.,  a  planter  of  considerable  opulence, 
a  gentleman  of  good  sense,  improvement,  and 

politeness.      From   Mr I  received  assurance 

of  the  truth  of  what  I  had  before  heard,  that  a 
few  years  ago,  the  assistant  judges  of  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  province,  being  natives,  men 
of  abilities,  fortune,  and  good  fame,  an  act  of 
assembly  passed,  to  settle  £300  sterling  a  year 
upon  them,  whenever  the  king  should  grant  them 
commissions,  quam  diu  se  bene  gesserint.  The 
act  being  sent  home  for  concurrence,  was  dis 
allowed,  and  the  reason  assigned  was  the  above 

clause.     1  am  promised  by  Mr a  transcript 

of  the  reasons  of  disallowance,  with  the  Attorney 
and  Solicitor  General's  opinions  relative  to  the 
act.  Upon  this,  the  assembly  passed  an  act, 
to  establish  the  like  salary,  payable  out  of  any 
monies  that  shall  be  in  the  treasury  :— not  re 
stricting  it  to  any  alteration  in  the  tenure  of  their 
commission. 

"  Mark  the   sequel.     No  assistant  judges  had 
ever  before  been  nominated  in  England.     I  name- 


107 

diately  upon  the  king's  approving  this  last  act, 
Lord  Hillsborough,  in  his  zeal  for  American  good, 
forthwith  sends  over  one  chief  justice,  an  Irish 
man,  and  two  assistant  justices ;  the  one  a 
Scotchman,  and  the  other  a  Welshman.  How 
long  will  the  simple  love  their  simplicity  ?  and 
ye,  who  assume  the  guileful  name,  the  venerable 
pretext  of  friends  to  government,  how  long  will 
ye  deceive  and  be  deceived  ?  Surely  in  a  politi 
cal  sense,  the  Americans  <  are  lighted  the  way 
to  study  wisdom.' 

"  I  have  conversed  with  upwards  of  one  half 
the  members  of  the  general  assembly,  and  many 
other  ranks  of  men  on  this  matter.  They  see 
their  error  and  confess  it ; — they  own  it  a  rash, 
imprudent,  hasty  step,  and  bitterly  repent  it.  A 
committee  of  the  house  have  ranked  it  in  their 
list  of  grievances.  The  only  solamen  is,  '  It 
is  done,  we  will  take  care  never  to  do  the  like 
again;' — the  only  apology  is,  that  the  assistant 
judges  of  the  province  were  unwilling  to  have 
circuit  courts,  without  a  fixed  salary  ;  the  remote 
parts  of  the  province  complained  of  being  obliged 
to  attend  all  causes  at  Charleston  ;  they  had 
great  reason  of  complaint.  The  regulators  of 
this  province  were  up,  as  wrell  as  those  of  North 


108 

Carolina.  Such  was  the  influence  of  some,  that 
upon  the  disallowance  of  the  first  act,  no  act  for 
creating  circuit  courts  could  be  got  through,  till 
the  salaries  were  fixed.  May  Heaven  forgive,  but 
the  people  never  forget  them.  Think  you  that 
they  who  eyed  the  fleece,  have  got  it  ? — No  !  as 
in  like  cases,  American  fools,  thirsting  for  honours 
and  riches — beat  the  bush  ; — British  harpies  seize 
the  poor  bird. 

"  March  12th.  Dined  with  Thomas  Lynch 
Esq.,*  a  very  sensible,  honest  man.  Spent  the 
evening  with  the  Friday-night  club,  consisting 
of  the  more  elderly,  substantial  gentlemen.  About 
twenty  or  thirty  in  company.  Conversation  on 
negroes,  rice,  and  the  necessity  of  British  regular 
troops  being  quartered  in  Charleston.  There 
were  not  wanting  men  of  fortune,  sense,  and  at 
tachment  to  their  country,  who  were  zealous  for 
the  establishing  such  troops  here.  I  took  some 
share  in  the  conversation,  and  cannot  but  hope 
I  spoke  conviction  to  some  sensible  minds.  At 
the  close  of  the  evening,  plans  were  agitated  for 
making  a  certain  part  of  t/ie  militia  of  the 


*  See  an  interesting  account  of  this  gentleman  in  the  life 
of  his  son,  Thomas  Lynch  Jr,  in  the  Biography  of  the  Sign 
ers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 


109 

province,  taken  in  rotation,  answer  instead  of 
foreign  aid.  I  here  learned  in  a  side  conversation 
with  Mr ,  that  two  of  the  late  assist 
ant  judges  (gentlemen  now  in  high  and  popular 
repute,  men  too  of  great  opulence),  who  were  in 
the  general  assembly  at  the  time  of  the  act  men 
tioned  some  pages  back,  were  the  very  means  of 
getting  it  passed. 

'  Quid  non  mortalia  pectora  cogis, 
Auri  sacra  fames  !' 

That  they,  hoping  to  enjoy  the  emoluments  of 
the  grant,  were  hot,  zealous,  and  perpetually  per 
severing,  till  they  got  it  through.  He  informed 
me  also  of  the  specious  arguments  they  used,  and 
the  advantages,  that  they  took  of  the  popular 
commotions.  Good  heavens,  how  much  more 
noble  a  part  might  they  have  taken  ! 

"  March  13th.  Spent  all  the  morning  trans 
cribing  Mr  E.  Rutledge's  MS.  law  reports  ; — at 
eleven  set  off  for  the  retreat  of  T.  L.  Smith 
Esq.  ; — dined  there,  and  spent  the  remainder  of 
the  day  most  agreeably  : — a  delightful  place  in 
deed. 

"March  14th.  Bad  weather.  Spent  the  day 
at  my  lodgings  ;  visited  by  Mr  Lynch,  Deis,  and 
others. 


110 

"  March  ]  5th.  Dined  with  Mr  Lynch. — Spent 
the  morning  and  afternoon  in  transcribing  law  re 
ports  of  E.  Rutledge  Esq. — Spent  the  evening 
with  the  Monday-night  club. 

"  March  16th.  Spent  the  morning,  ever  since 
five  o'clock,  in  perusing  public  records  of  the 
province  ; — have  marked  many  to  be  copied  for 
me  ; — am  now  going  to  the  famous  races. 

"  The  races  were  well  performed — but  Flim- 
nap  beat  Little  David  (who  had  won  the  sixteen 
last  races)  out  and  out.  The  last  heat  the  form 
er  distanced  the  latter.  The  first  four-mile  heat 
was  performed  in  eight  minutes  and  seventeen 
seconds,  being  four  miles.  Two  thousand  pounds 
sterling  were  won  and  lost  at  this  race,  and 
Flimnap  sold  at  public  vendue  the  same  day  for 
300£  sterling  ! 

"  Took  a  family  dinner  with  Miles  Brewton 
Esq. — had  a  fine  dish  of  politics, — had  farther 
light  from  one  of  the  company,  a  prerogative  man, 
into  the  arts  used  lo  disunite  the  colonies  ; — 
sounded  Mr  Brewton,  when  alone,  with  regard  to 
a  general,  permanent,  continental  literary  corres 
pondence; — the  matter  takes  mightily. 

"  At  the  races  I  saw  a  fine  collection  of  ex 
cellent,  though  very  high-priced  horses,  and  was 


Ill 

let  a  little  into  the  singular  art  and  mystery  of 
the  turf ! 

"  March  17th.  Spent  all  the  morning  in  the 
copying  Mr  Rutledge's  reports.  Dined  with  the 
sons  of  St  Patrick.  While  at  dinner  six  violins, 
two  hautboys,  &c.  After  dinner  six  French 
horns  in  concert : — most  surpassing  music.  Two 
solos  on  the  French  horn,  by  one  who  is  said 
to  blow  the  finest  horn  in  the  world.  He  has 
fifty  guineas  for  the  season  from  the  St  Cecilia 
society. 

March  18th.  Spent  in  reading  farther  reports 
of  Mr  Rutledge,  paying  complimentary  visits  of 
departure,  and  in  preparation  for  my  journey 
northward. 

"  March  19th.  Spent  all  the  morning  in  hear 
ing  the  debates  of  the  house  ; — had  an  opportu 
nity  of  hearing  the  best  speakers  in  the  province. 

The  first  thing  done  at  the  meeting  of  the 
house,  is  to  bring  the  mace,  a  very  superb  and 
elegant  one,  which  cost  ninety  guineas,  and  lay 
it  on  the  table  before  the  speaker.  The  next 
thing  is  for  the  clerk  to  read  over  in  a  very  audi 
ble  voice,  the  doings  of  the  preceding  day.  The 
speaker  is  robed  in  black,  and  has  a  very  large 
wig  of  state,  when  he  goes  to  attend  the  chair 


112 

(with  the  mace  borne  before  him),  on  delivery  of 
speeches  &c.  T.  Lynch  Esq.  spoke  like  a  man 
of  sense,  and  a  patriot  ;  with  dignity,  fire,  and 
laconism.  Mr  Gadsden  was  plain,  blunt,  hot, 
and  incorrect  ;  though  very  sensible.  In  the 
course  of  the  debate,  he  used  these  very  singular 
expressions,  for  a  member  of  parliament : — '  And, 
Mr  Speaker,  if  the  governor  and  council  don't  see 
fit  to  fall  in  with  us,  I  say,  let  the  general  duty 
law,  and  all,  go  to  the  devil,  sir;  and  we  go 
about  our  business.'  Parsons,  J.  Rutledge,  and 
Charles  Pinckney  Sen.  (the  three  first  lawyers 
in  the  province),  spoke  on  the  occasion  ; — the 
two  last,  very  good  speakers.  The  members  of 
the  house  all  sit  with  their  hats  on,  and  uncover 
when  they  rise  to  speak.  They  are  not  confined 
(at  least  they  do  not  confine  themselves)  to  any 
one  place  to  speak  in.  The  members  conversed, 
lolled,  and  chatted,  much  like  a  friendly,  jovial 
society,  when  nothing  of  importance  was  before 
the  house ; — nay,  once  or  twice,  while  the 
speaker  and  clerk  were  busy  in  writing,  the 
members  spoke  quite  loud  across  the  room  to 
one  another — a  very  unparliamentary  appearance. 
The  speaker  put  the  question  sitting  ;  the  mem 
bers  gave  their  votes  by  rising  from  their  seats  ; 
the  dissentients  did  not  rise. 


113 

"  March  20th.  Set  out  with  Mr  Lynch  for 
his  plantation  on  Santee  river,  on  my  way  to  the 
northward.  Had  a  most  agreeable  ride,  and  re 
ceived  much  information  from  Mr  Lynch  of  the 
manoeuvres  at  the  Congress  in  1765. 

"  March  21st.  Mr  Lynch's  plantation  is  very 
pleasantly  situated,  and  is  very  valuable.  Took 
leave  of  Mr  Lynch,  and  had  a  three  hours'  tedious 
passage  up  Santee  river.  Crossed  Sampit  or 
Georgetown  river  just  at  dusk, — lodged  in  town, 
and  am  now  held  in  durance  by  a  very  high 
equinoctial  gale,  which  prevents  me  from  crossing 
Winyaw  Bay,  formed  by  the  junction  of  Wacca- 
maw,  Pedee,  and  Black  rivers.  It  is  very  fine 
travelling  weather,  and  requires  no  small  share 
of  philosophy  to  be  contented  with  my  situation. 

"  March  22d.  Spent  the  night  at  Mr  J.  All- 
ston's,  a  gentleman  of  immense  income,  all  of  his 
own  acquisition.  His  plantations,  negroes,  gar 
dens,  &c.  are  in  the  best  order  I  have  seen.  He 
has  propagated  the  Lisbon  and  Wine  Island  grapes 
with  great  success.  I  was  entertained  with  true 
hospitality  and  benevolence  by  this  family.  His 
good  lady  filled  a  wallet  with  bread,  biscuit,  wine, 
fowl,  and  tongue,  and  presented  it  to  me  next 
morning.  The  wine  I  declined,  but  gladly  re- 
15 


114 

ceived  the  rest.  At  12  o'clock,  in  a  sandy  pine 
desert,  I  enjoyed  a  fine  repast,  and  having  met 
with  a  refreshing  spring,  I  remembered  my  worthy 
host,  Mr  Allston,  and  his  lady,  with  warmth  of 
affection  and  hearty  benisons.  Mr  Allston  sent 
his  servant  as  our  guide  between  thirty  and  forty 
miles,  much  to  our  preservation  from  many  vexa 
tious  difficulties. 

"  March  24th.  Lodged  the  last  night  at  the 
plantation  of  Mr  Johnston,  (who  is  now  absent 
at  Charleston.)  A  gentleman  came  with  us  as 
our  guide,  about  ten  miles.  A  most  barren, 
dreary  road  ; — nine  cows,  and  oxen,  had  perished 
within  a  week,  for  want  of  sustenance  ; — great 
difficulty  to  get  food  for  either  man  or  beast. 

"  March  25th.  This  day  left  the  province  of 
South  Carolina  and  entered  that  of  North. 

"  The  constitution  of  South  Carolina  is  in  very 
many  respects  defective,  and  in  an  equal  number 
extremely  bad.  The  whole  body  of  this  people 
seem  averse  to  the  claims  and  assumptions  of  the 
British  legislature  over  the  colonies  ;  but  you  will 
seldom  hear,  even  in  political  conversation,  any 
warm  or  animated  expressions  against  the  measures 
of  administration.  A  general  doubt  of  the  firmness 
and  integrity  of  the  northern  colonies  is  prevalent ; 


115 

they  say  '  the  Massachusetts  Bay  can  talk,  vote, 
and  resolve,  but  their  doings  are  not  correspondent.' 
Sentiments  and  expressions  of  this  kind  are  com 
mon  and  fashionable.  They  arise  from  various 
causes,  from  envy  and  jealousy  in  some,  and  from 
artifice  in  others.  The  very  remarkable  difference 
in  their  manners,  religious  tenets,  and  principles, 
contributes  to  the  same  effect.  It  may  well  be 
questioned  whether  there  is,  in  reality,  any  third 
branch  in  the  constitution  of  this  government.  It 
is  true  they  have  a  house  of  Assembly,  but  whom 
do  they  represent  ?  The  labourer,  the  mechanic, 
the  tradesman,  the  farmer,  or  yeoman  ?  No, — the 
representatives  are  almost  wholly  rich  planters. 
The  planting  interest  is  therefore  represented, 
but  I  conceive  nothing  else,  as  it  ought  to  be. 
Non-residents  may  be  chosen  to  represent  any 
town,  if  they  have  lands  in  the  county,  and  hence 
a  great  majority  of  the  House  live  in  Charleston, 
where  the  body  of  the  planters  reside  during  the 
sickly  months.  A  fatal  kind  of  policy  ! — At 
present  the  house  of  Assembly  are  staun?h  col 
onists.  The  council,  judges,  and  other  great  of 
ficers  are  all  appointed  by  mandamus  from  Great 
Britain.  Nay,  even  the  clerk  of  the  board,  and 
assembly ! — Who  are,  and  have  been  thus  ap- 


116 

pointed?  Persons  disconnected  with  the  people 
and  obnoxious  to  them.  I  heard  several  planters 
say,  *  We  none  of  us  can  expect  the  honours  of 
the  state;  they  are  all  given  away,  to  worthless, 
poor  sycophants. 

"  State  and  magnificence,  the  natural  attend 
ants  on  great  riches,  are  conspicuous  among  this 
people  ;  the  number  and  subjection  of  their  slaves 
tend  this  way.  The  yeomanry  and  husbandmen 
make  a  very  different  figure  from  those  of  New 
England. 

"  There  being  but  one  chief  place  of  trade,  its 
increase  is  amazingly  rapid.  The  stories  you 
are  every  where  told  of  the  rise  in  the  value  of 
lands  seem  romantic ;  but  I  was  assured  that  they 
were  fact.  There  is  a  colossal  statue  of  Mr  Pitt 
at  Charleston,  much  praised  by  many.  The 
drapery  was  exquisitely  well  done  ;  but  to  me,  the 
attitude,  air,  and  expression  of  the  piece  was  bad. 
The  staple  commodities  are  rice,  indigo,  hemp, 
tobacco,  &c.  &LC.  ;  the  two  first  are  the  capital. 

"A  few  years  ago  it  is  allowred  that  the  blacks 
exceeded  the  whites,  as  seventeen  to  one-  There 
are  those  who  now  tell  you  that  the  slaves  are 
not  more  than  three  to  one, — some  say  not  so 
many.  I  took  great  pains,  finding  such  contra- 


117 

riety  of  opinion,  to  find  out  the  true  proportion  ; 
the  best  information  I  could  obtain,  fixes  it  at 
about  seven  to  one.  My  own  observation  leads 
me  to  think  it  much  greater.  *  *  *  *  *  * 

*********%%xxx 

These  are  but  a  small  part  of 
the  mischiefs  of  slavery, — new  ones  are  every  day 
arising  ; — futurity  will  produce  more  and  greater. 

"  Lodged  the  last  night  in  Brunswick,  N.  C.  at 
the  house  of  William  Hill  Esq.,  a  most  sensible, 
polite  gentleman,  and  though  a  crown  officer,  a 
man  replete  with  sentiments  of  general  liberty, 
and  warmly  attached  to  the  cause  of  American 
freedom. 

44  March  27th.  Breakfasted  with  Col.  Dry, 
the  collector  of  the  customs,  and  one  of  the  coun 
cil,  who  furnished  me  with  the  following  instruc 
tions  given  Gov.  Martin,  and  as  Col.  Dry  told 
me,  Gov.  Martin  said,  to  all  the  colony  governors 
likewise. 

"  Copy.  )  Additional  instruction  to  our  trus- 
George  R.  C  ^  and  wel1  beloved  Josiah  Martin 
Esq.,  our  captain  general  and  gover 
nor  in  chief,  in  and  over  our  province  of  North 
Carolina,  in  America.  Given  at  our  court  at  St 
James'  the  fourth  day  of  February  1772,  in  the 
twelfth  of  our  reign. 


118 

" '  Whereas  laws  have  been  passed  in  some  of 
our  colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  by 
which  the  lands,  tenements,  goods,  chattels,  rights, 
and  credits  of  persons,  who  have  never  resided 
within  the  colonies  where  such  laws  have  been 
passed,  have  been  made  liable  to  be  attached  for 
the  recovery  of  debts,  in  a  manner  different  from 
that  allowed  by  the  laws  of  England  in  like  cases  : 
and  whereas  it  hath  been  represented  unto  us, 
that  such  laws  may  have  the  consequence  to 
prejudice  and  obstruct  the  commerce  between 
this  kingdom  and  our  said  colonies,  and  to  affect 
public  credit  : — It  is  therefore  our  will  and  pleas 
ure,  that  you  do  not,  on  any  pretence  whatever, 
give  your  assent  to,  or  pass  any  bill  or  bills  in 
our  province  under  your  government,  by  which 
the  lands,  tenements,  goods,  chattels,  rights,  and 
credits  of  persons  who  have  never  resided  within 
our  said  province,  shall  be  made  liable  to  be 
attached  by  the  recovery  of  debts  due  from  such 
persons,  otherwise  than  is  allowed  by  law  in  cases 
of  the  like  nature  within  our  kingdom  of  Great 
Britain,  until  you  shall  first  have  transmitted  to 
us,  by  one  of  our  principal  secretaries  of  state, 
the  drafts  of  each  bill  or  bills,  and  shall  have  re 
ceived  our  royal  pleasure  thereupon,  unless  you 


119 

take  care  in  the  passing  of  such  bill  or  bills,  that 
a  clause  or  clauses  be  inserted  therein  suspending 
and  deferring  the  execution  thereof,  until  our  royal 
will  and  pleasure  shall  be  known  thereupon. 

<G.  R.' 

"March  27th.  Col.  Dry  is  a  friend  to  the 
regulators,  and  seemingly  warm  against  the  mea 
sures  of  British  and  continental  administrations. 
He  gave  me  an  entire  different  account  of  things 
from  what  I  had  heard  from  others.  I  am  now 
left  to  form  my  own  opinion, — and  am  preparing 
for  a  water  tour  to  Fort  Johnston.  Yesterday- 
was  a  most  delightful  day, — Fort  Johnston  is  as 
delightful  a  situation. 

"  March  28th.  I  go  to  church  this  day  at 
Brunswick— hear  W.  Hill  read  ^prayers,— dine 
with  Col.  Dry, — proceed  tomorrow  to  Wilming 
ton,  and  dine  with  Dr  Cobham,  with  a  select 
company.  Col.  Dry's  mansion  is  justly  called 
the  house  of  universal  hospitality. 

"  March  29th.  Dined  at  Dr  Thomas  Cob- 
ham's  in  company  with  Harnett,  Hooper,  Burg- 
win,  Dr  Tucker,  &c.  in  Wilmington,— lodged 
also  at  Dr  Cobham's  who  has  treated  me  with 
great  politeness,  though  an  utter  stranger,  and 


120 

one  to  whom  1  had  no  letters.     Spent  the  evening 
with  the  best  company  of  the  place. 

"  March  30th.  Dined  with  about  twenty  at  Mr 
William  Hooper's — find  him  apparently  in  the  whig 
interest, — has  taken  their  side  in  the  House — 
is  caressed  by  the  whigs,  and  is  now  passing  his 
election  through  the  influence  of  that  party. 
Spent  the  night  at  Mr  Harriett's,  the  Samuel 
Adams  of  North  Carolina  (except  in  point  of  for 
tune.)  Robert  Howe  Esq.,  Harnett,  and  myself 
made  the  social  triumvirate  of  the  evening.  The 
plan  of  continental  correspondence  highly  relished, 
much  wished  for,  and  resolved  upon,  as  proper  to 
be  pursued. 

"  April  1st.  Set  out  from  Mr  Harnett's  for 
Newbern. 

"  April  2d.  ^  Reached  Newbern  about  eleven 
o'clock  A.  M.  Waited  upon  Judge  Howard,  and 
spent  about  an  hour  with  him.  Did  not  present 
the  rest  of  my  letters,  because  of  the  fine  weather 
for  travelling,  and  no  court  of  any  kind  sitting, 
or  even  in  being  in  the  province.  Judge  How 
ard  waited  upon  me  in  the  evening  with  recom 
mendatory  letters  to  Col.  Palmer  of  Bath,  and 
Col  Buncombe  of  Tyrrell  county. 


121 

"  April  4th.  Reached  Bath  in  the  evening — did 
not  deliver  my  letters,  but  proceeded  next  morn 
ing  to  Mr  Wingfield's  parish,  where  I  spent  the 
Sabbath. 

"  April  5th.  Breakfasted  with  Col.  Buncombe, 
who  waited  upon  me  to  Edenton  Sound,  and  gave 
me  letters  to  his  friends  there.  Spent  this  and 
the  next  day  in  crossing  Albermarle  Sound,  and 
in  dining  and  conversing  in  company  with  the 
most  celebrated  lawyers  of  Edenton.  From  them 
I  learned  that  Dr  Samuel  Cooper,  of  Boston,  was 
generally  (they  said,  universally,)  esteemed  the  au 
thor  of  '  Leonidas,'  who,  together  with  *  Mucius 
Scaevola.'  was  burnt  in  effigy  under  the  gallows 
by  the  common  hangman.  There  being  no  courts 
of  any  kind  in  this  province,  and  no  laws  in  force 
by  which  any  could  be  held,  I  found  little  inclina 
tion  or  incitement  to  stay  long  in  Edenton,  though 
a  pleasant  town.  Accordingly,  a  guide  offering 
his  directions  about  evening,  I  left  the  place  and 
proceeded  just  into  the  bounds  of  Virginia,  where 
I  lodged  the  night. 

"  The    soils    and    climates    of    the    Carolinas 

differ,  but  not  so  much  as  their  inhabitants.     The 

number   of  negroes  and  slaves   is   much  less   in 

North    than    in    South    Carolina.      Their   staple 

16 


122 

commodity  is  not  so  valuable,  being  not  in  so  great 
demand,  as  the  rice,  indigo,  &c.  of  the  South. 
Hence  labour  becomes  more  necessary,  and  he 
who  has  an  interest  of  his  own  to  serve,  is  a 
labourer  in  the  field.  Husbandmen  and  agricul 
ture  increase  in  number  and  improvement.  In 
dustry  is  up  in  the  woods,  at  tar,  pitch,  and 
turpentine  ; — in  the  fields,  ploughing,  planting, 
clearing,  or  fencing  the  land.  Herds  and  flocks 
become  more  numerous.  You  see  husbandmen, 
yeomen,  and  white  labourers  scattered  through 
the  country,  instead  of  herds  of  negroes  and 
slaves.  Healthful  countenances  and  numerous 
families  become  more  common  as  you  advance 
north.  Property  is  much  more  equally  diffused 
in  one  province  than  in  the  other,  and  this  may 
account  for  some,  if  not  all  the  differences  of 
character  in  the  inhabitants.  However,  in  one 
respect,  I  find  a  pretty  near  resemblance  between 
the  two  colonies  ; — I  mean  the  state  of  religion. 
It  is  certainly  high  time  to  repeal  the  laws  relative 
to  religion,  and  the  observation  of  the  Sabbath, 
or  to  see  them  better  executed.  Avowed  impu 
nity  to  all  offenders,  is  one  sign  at  least,  that  the 
laws  want  amendment,  or  abrogation.  Alike  as 
the  Carolinas  are  in  this  respect,  they  certainly 


123 

vary  much  as  to  their  general  sentiments,  opin 
ions,  and  judgments.  The  staple  commodities  of 
North  Carolina  are  all  kinds  of  naval  stores, 
Indian  corn,  hemp,  flax-seed,  some  tobacco,  which 
they  generally  send  into  Virginia,  &c.  &c.  The 
culture  of  wheat  and  rice  is  making  quick  pro 
gress,  as  a  spirit  of  agriculture  is  rising  fast. 
The  favourite  liquors  of  the  Carolinas  are  Claret, 
and  Port  wines,  in  preference  to  Madeira  or 
Lisbon.  The  commerce  of  North  Carolina  is 
much  diffused  through  the  several  parts  of  the 
province.  They  in  some  respects  may  be  said  to 
have  no  metropolis,  though  Newbern  is  called  the 
capital,  as  there  is  the  seat  of  government.  It  is 
made  a  question  which  carries  on  the  most  trade, 
whether  Edenton,  Newbern,  Wilmington,  or 
Brunswick, — it  seems  to  be  one  of  the  two  first. 
There  is  very  little  intercourse  between  the  north 
ern  and  southern  provinces  of  Carolina.  The 
present  state  of  North  Carolina  is  really  curious  ; 
— there  are  but  five  provincial  laws  in  force 
through  the  colony,  and  no  courts  at  all  in  being. 
No  one  can  recover  a  debt,  except  before  a  single 
magistrate,  where  the  sums  are  within  his  juris 
diction,  and  offenders  escape  with  impunity.  The 
people  are  in  great  consternation  about  the  matter  ; 
what  will  be  the  consequence  is  problematical. 


124 

"April  6th.  Lodged  at  Suffolk.— April  7th. 
Dined  at  Smithfield,  two  considerable  towns  in 
Virginia.  As  I  verge  northward,  the  lands,  and 
the  culture  of  them,  have  gradually  changed  for 
the  better.  Excellent  farms,  and  large  cleared 
tracts  of  land,  well  fenced  and  tilled,  are  all 
around  me.  Peach  trees  seem  to  be  of  sponta 
neous  growth  in  these  provinces,  and  I  saw  them 
all  along  in  the  finest  bloom.  Whole  fields  of 
them  looked  beautiful.  I  saw  about  six  acres, 
all  in  high  bloom,  and  very  regularly  planted, 
every  other  row  being  trees  of  the  apple  and  pear 
kind,  not  yet  in  blossom.  An  extent  of  about 
twelve  or  fifteen  acres  of  peach-trees  regularly  set 
in  equidistant  rows,  intermixed  all  about  with 
many  small  pine  trees  of  exquisite  verdure,  form 
ed  a  prospect  to  the  eye,  most  delightful  and 
charming. 

"  April  9th.  I  arrived  this  morning  at  about 
ten  o'clock  at  Williamsburg,  the  capital  of  Vir 
ginia.  It  is  a  place  of  no  trade,  and  its  im 
portance  depends  altogether  on  its  being  the  seat 
of  government,  and  the  place  of  the  college. 
I  have  just  been  taking  a  view  of  the  whole 
town.  It  is  inferior  to  my  expectations.  Nothing 
of  the  population  of  the  north,  or  of  the  splendour 


125 

and  magnificence  of  the  south.  The  college 
makes  a  very  agreeable  appearance,  and  the  large 
garden  before  it,  is  of  ornament  and  use.  There 
are  but  two  private  buildings  of  note,  the  Gover 
nor's  and  the  Attorney  General's.  The  college 
is  in  a  very  declining  state.  The  statehouse  is 
more  commodious  inside,  than  ornamental  with 
out.  The  council  chamber  is  furnished  with  a 
large,  well  chosen,  valuable  collection  of  books, 
chiefly  of  law.  The  court  of  justice  is  ill  con 
trived.  This  day  I  purchased  a  very  handsome 
edition  of  the  Virginia  laws.  I  was  present  at 
their  General  Court,  which  is  the  supreme  court 
of  justice,  and  the  court  of  chancery,  of  this 
province.  I  had  only  an  opportunity  of  hearing 
short  motions  made  by  their  most  eminent  coun 
sel  at  the  bar  ;  the  chancery  business  being 
always  the  employment  of  the  first  week,  and 
that  of  the  crown  or  civil  business  of  the  second, 
and  succeeding  weeks.  The  constitution  of  the 
courts  of  justice  and  equity  in  this  province  is 
amazingly  defective,  inconvenient,  and  dangerous, 
not  to  say  absurd  and  mischievous.  This  motley 
kind  of  court,  called  the  General  Court,  is  com 
posed  of  the  governor  and  council,  who  are 
appointed  and  created  by  mandamus  from  the 


126 

crown,  and  hold  bene  placito.  I  am  told  it  is 
no  uncommon  thing  for  this  court  to  sit  one  hour 
and  hear  a  cause  as  a  court  of  law,  and  the  next 
hour,  perhaps  minute,  to  sit  and  audit  the  same 
cause  as  a  court  of  chancery  and  equity, — and  if 
my  information  is  good,  very  often  give  directly 
contrary  decisions. 

"It  was  a  matter  of  speculation  with  me,  how 
such  a  constitution  arid  form  of  judicial  adminis 
tration,  could  be  tolerable.  I  .  conversed  with 
many  who  seemed  to  have  experienced  no  incon 
venience,  and  of  course  to  apprehend  no  danger 
from  this  quarter  ;  yet  they  readily  gave  in  to 
my  sentiments  upon  this  subject,  when  I  endeav 
oured  to  show  the  political  defects  and  solecism 
of  this  constitution.  However,  I  saw  none  who 
gave  me  any  satisfactory  account  of  the  true 
reason,  that  more  mischievous  consequences  had 
not  flowed  from  this  source.  Perhaps  it  was 
owing  to  my  misfortune  in  not  having  letters  to 
any  of  the  bar,  and  but  one  to  any  gentleman 
within  many  miles  of  Williamsburg,  although  I 
had  many  to  persons  of  distinction  expected  in 
town  next  week.  I  can  only  regret  many  cir 
cumstances,  which  deprive  me  of  the  means  of 
remedying  this  inconvenience. 


127 

"  April  llth.  I  spent  the  evening  with  two  of 
the  council  of  the  province,  and  our  conversation 
was  wholly  political.  They  invited  me  to  dine 
with  the  council  next  day,  and  offered  to  intro 
duce  me  to  the  governor,  the  Earl  of  Dunmore, — 
but  I  was  unfortunately  obliged  to  wave  the 
invitation. 

"  April  12th.  Upon  farther  inquiry,  I  find  that 
the  Council  of  this  province,  hitherto  have  been, 
and  now  are  (one  instance  excepted)  generally 
appointed  from  among  the  most  opulent  persons 
and  landed  men  of  the  province,  whose  views, 
connexions,  interests,  or  inclinations,  have  gener 
ally  been  such,  as  to  keep  them  from  baser  be 
tray  ments  of  their  trust,  and  the  more  atrocious 
prostitution  of  their  enormous  power  and  authori 
ty.  This  may  account  in  some  measure  for  the 
matter  I  just  now  mentioned, — but  surely  it  is 
not  in  these  latter  times  any  security  or  proper 
safeguard,  from  future  invasions,  arid  oppressions. 
I  am  mistaken  in  my  conjecture,  if  in  some  ap 
proaching  day  Virginia  does  not  fully  see  the 
capital  defects  of  her  constitution  of  government. 

"  An  aristocratical  spirit  and  principle  are  very 
prevalent  in  the  laws  and  policy  of  this  colony  ; 
and  the  law  ordaining  that  entailed  estates  shall 


128 

not  be  barred  by  common  recoveries,  is  not  the 
only  instance  thereof. 

"  April  16th.  Crossed  the  Potomac  river,  and 
arrived  in  Maryland.  Through  Virginia  we 
find  agriculture  carried  to  great  perfection,  and 
large  fields,  from  ten  to  twenty  acres  in  extent, 
planted  with  peach  trees,  which  being  all  in  bloom, 
made  my  journey  vastly  agreeable.  The  purpose 
of  raising  these  trees,  is  the  making  of  brandy,  a 
very  favourite  liquor.  The  melody  of  the  fields 
and  woods  through  Virginia  is  greatly  beyond 
that  of  the  Carolinas.  The  culture  of  corn  and 
wheat  is  supplanting  very  fast  that  of  tobacco 
in  this  province. 

"  The  soils  through  Virginia  and  Maryland 
are  mostly  of  a  reddish  colour,  and  sandy  sub 
stance.  Maryland  is  very  hilly,  and  abounds  with 
oak  trees.  To  the  South  of  Virginia,  the  public 
roads  are  through  a  level,  sandy,  pitch-pine  bar 
ren.  When  we  enter  Virginia,  and  in  proportion 
as  we  come  North,  we  change  the  plain,  for  hills, 
and  pitch-pines  for  oaks  ; — and  the  goodness, 
value,  and  improvement  of  the  soil  is  correspon 
dent  to  this  alteration  of  appearances.  The  to 
bacco  of  Maryland,  as  I  was  uniformly  told,  both 
there  and  in  Virginia,  bears  a  preference  in  all 


129 

foreign  markets,  and  carries  a  proportionable  ad 
vance  of  price.  The  Maryland  tobacco  goes  un 
der  the  name  of  coloured  tobacco,  and  is  of  a 
bright  yellow.  This  colour  arises  chiefly  from  the 
nature  of  the  soil,  but  in  some  measure  also  from 
the  mode  of  curing  it ;  the  Marylander  in  this  re 
spect  taking  more  pains  than  the  Virginian.  The 
culture  of  tobacco  is  declining,  and  that  of  grain 
rising  fast  in  this  province.  St  George's  county 
and  Elk  Ridge  tobacco,  is  deemed  here  to  be  of 
the  best  quality.  Maryland  is  a  fine  wheat 
country.  These  extensive  fields  of  wheat  and 
other  grain  afford  great  pleasure  to  the  lover  of 
mankind  and  the  useful  arts;  and  the  exquisite 
verdure  wrhich  at  this  season  covers  their  fields, 
presents  a  prospect  highly  gratifying  to  the  lover 
of  nature. 

"  April  22d.  I  spent  about  three  hours  in 
company  with  the  celebrated  Daniel  Dulany  Esq., 
the  Attorney  General  of  the  province,  and  several 
others  of  the  bar, — and  gentlemen  of  the  province. 
A  most  bitter  and  important  dispute  is  subsisting, 
and  has  long  subsisted  in  this  province  touching  the 
fees  of  the  officers  of  this  colony,  and  the  Gov 
ernor's  proclamation  relative  thereto.  At  the 
conference  of  the  two  houses,  the  dispute  was 
17 


130 

conducted  with  good  sense  and  spirit,  but  with 
great  acrimony,  by  Daniel  Dulany  of  the  council, 
and  the  speaker,  Tillingham,  of  the  lower  house. 

"  I  attended  the  Supreme  (called  the  Provin 
cial)  Court,  two  days  ;  but  one  cause  or  motion 
was  argued,  and  I  had  therefore  no  opportunity 
to  judge  of  the  talents  of  the  bar.  The  common 
alty  seem  in  general  through  this  province  to  be 
friendly  towards  strangers,  and  tolerably  industri 
ous  ; — but  I  saw  nothing  to  lead  me  to  suppose 
that  they  in  any  measure  surpassed  the  New 
Englanders  in  either  of  these  respects.  Balti 
more  is  the  largest,  most  populous  and  trading 
town  in  this  province.  Annapolis  is  the  metropo 
lis,  or  seat  of  government,  and  the  residence  of 
many  of  the  most  wealthy  citizens. 

"  April  23d.  As  soon  as  we  enter  Pennsylva 
nia,  the  regularity,  goodness,  and  the  straight,  ad 
vantageous  position  of  the  public  roads,  are  evi 
dences  of  the  good  policy  and  laws  of  this  well 
regulated  province.  Pennsylvania  is  said  to  be 
not  so  fine  a  wheat  country  as  Maryland,  but  a 
better  grazing  country.  Cattle  cover  the  pastures 
in  great  abundance.  Very  fine  streams  of  water 
are  every  where  dispersed  through  the  land,  and 
as  you  approach  the  capital,  a  prospect  of  the 


131 

river  Delaware,  on  which  Philadelphia  is  situated, 
affords  a  most  delightful  scene.  My  journey  for 
these  several  days  has  not  only  been  delightful 
from  the  gratification  of  the  eye,  but  the  exquisite 
scent  from  blooming  orchards  gave  a  rich  perfume, 
while  sweetest  melody  of  birds  was  truly  charming 
to  the  ear. 

"  April  24th.  Went  to  public  worship  at  St 
Peter's  church,  and  heard  the  celebrated  orator, 
the  Rev.  Mr  Coombs,  an  Episcopalian.  He  la 
boured  to  speak  with  propriety,  and  was  therefore 
not  altogether  natural  : — he  was  a  little  affected, 
but  spoke  well.  This  may  seem  a  paradox,  but 
I  cannot  better  convey  my  idea  of  him.  In  prayer, 
he  had  the  faults  of  most  clergymen  who  use  es 
tablished  forms  ;  his  emphasis,  look,  accent,  and 
gesture,  were  not  conformable  to  his  subject, 
station,  and  language.  He  made  an  extempore 
prayer  before  sermon,  which,  in  point  of  senti 
ment,  propriety  of  expression,  and  true  sublimity, 
exceeded  any  thing  of  the  kind  I  ever  heard. 
This  prayer  he  uttered  with  singular  grace.  His 
sermon  was  twenty  minutes  in  length,  and  was 
an  extremely  fine,  moral,  elegant  declamation — 
decorated  with  all  the  beauties  of  style,  language, 
and  rhetorical  utterance. 


132 

"  The  church  is  beautifully  neat ; — there  is  no 
Lord's  Prayer,  Commandments,  or  Creed,  over 
the  communion  table. 

"  April  25.  This  morning  at  sunrise  took  a 
delightful  ride  of  about  fourteen  miles  into  the 
country, — it  is  a  perfect  garden,  I  had  almost  said 
an  Eden  ; — however,  I  saw  it  at  the  highest  ad 
vantage.  On  my  return,  was  visited  by  young 
Dr  Shippen,  Mr  Thomas  Smith,  a  merchant,  and 
Mr  Arodi  Thayer.  Dined  with  the  Superior 
Court  judges,  and  all  the  bar,  on  turtle,  &,c.  &c. 
Had  much  conversation  with  "  The  Farmer," 
J.  Dickinson  Esq.,  Mr  Galloway,  the  Speaker  of 
the  House,  and  others,  on  politics.  Introduced 
by  Mr  Reed,  an  eminent  lawyer,  to  whom  I  had 
letters  from  the  Hon.  Thomas  Gushing  Esq. 

"  April  28th.  This  forenoon  John  Dickinson 
Esq.,  "  The  Farmer,"  visited  me  at  my  lodgings — 
spent  an  hour  with  me,  and  engaged  me  to  dine 
w^ith  him  on  the  third  of  May,  at  his  country  seat. 
Dined  with  Mr  Jonathan  Smith,  a  very  worthy 
and  sensible  merchant,  with  several  very  eminent 
lawyers. 

"  April  29th.  Dined  with  Mr  Thomas  Smith, 
merchant,  in  Philadelphia,  and  a  select  company — 
was  visited  in  the  morning  bv  the  Rev.  Mr  Ew- 


133 

ing,  who  spent  two  hours  with  me,  and  with 
whom  I  dine  on  the  5th  of  May.  He  appears 
quite  the  man  of  sense,  breeding,  and  Catholicism, 
and  he  gave  me  much  insight  into  the  present 
state  of  the  college  in  this  place. 

"  April  30th.  Visited  this  morning  for  an  hour 
by  Chief  Justice  Allen  and  his  sons.  Dined  at  the 
house  of  that  very  sensible,  polite,  and  excellent 
lawyer,  J.  Reed  Esq.,  in  company  with  "The 
Farmer,"  Judge  Jared  Ingersoll,  and  several  other 
lawyers  and  merchants.  Towards  evening  Judge 
Ingersoll  and  Mr  Reed  went  with  me  round  the 
town  to  show  me  the  environs  and  public  buildings. 

"May  1st.  Took  a  three  hours'  ride  with 
J.  Reed  Esq.  round  the  vicinity  of  Philadelphia. 

"May  3d.  The  morning  of  this  day  spent  in 
reading,  and  amusements  of  the  itinerary  kind. 
Dined  with  John  Dickinson  Esq.,  the  celebrated 
Pennsylvanian  "  Farmer,"  at  his  country  seat 
about  two  miles  and  a  half  from  town.  A  large 
company  were  very  elegantly  entertained.  This 
worthy  and  able  politician  (for  such  he  is,  though 
his  views  and  disposition  lead  him  to  refuse  the 
latter  appellation)  here  enjoys  "  otium  cum  dig- 
nitate"  as  much  as  any  man. 


134 

"  May  6th.  This  afternoon  went  with  a  num 
ber  of  gentlemen  to  see  the  hospital,  and  hear  a 
lecture  from  young  Dr  Shippen.  The  curiosities 
of  this  hospital  are  far  beyond  any  thing  of  the 
kind  in  North  America.  Dr  Shippen  gave  a  very 
learned,  intelligible,  elegant,  and  concise  discourse, 
which  did  him  honor  as  a  physician  and  orator. 

"  May  9th.  This  day  I  was  to  have  dined 
with  Mr  Peter  Wycoff,  merchant,  but  having  met 
Thomas  Oliver  Esq.  of  Cambridge,  who  was  re 
turning  home,  I  embraced  the  opportunity  of  such 
agreeable  company,  and  set  out  for  New  England 
ten  days  earlier  than  I  intended.  I  was  also 
obliged  to  decline  the  invitation  of  Chief  Justice 
Allen  to  dine  with  him,  on  the  same  account. 
Our  tour  through  Pennsylvania,  on  the  borders  of 
the  river  Delaware,  was  variegated  by  those  en 
chanting  prospects  of  navigation,  industry,  and 
plenty,  which  serve  to  delight  the  senses  and  ele 
vate  the  mind. 

The  Pennsylvanians,  as  a  body  of  people,  may 
be  justly  characterized  as  industrious,  sensible, 
and  wealthy.  The  Philadelphians,  as  commercial, 
keen,  and  frugal.  Their  economy  and  reserve 
have  sometimes  been  censured  as  incivility  and 
avarice ;  but  all  that  we  saw  in  this  excellent 


135 

city,  was  replete  with  benevolence,  hospitality, 
sociability,  aijd  politeness,  joined  with  that  pru 
dence  and  caution,  natural  to  an  understanding 
people,  who  are  alternately  visited  by  a  variety  of 
strangers,  differing  in  rank,  fortune,  and  charac 
ter.  The  legislative  body  of  this  province  is  com 
posed  of  the  governor,  and  the  representatives  of  the 
people  ;  and  the  style  of  their  acts  is  in  the  name 
of  4  The  Governor,  by  and  with  the  consent  and 
advice  of  the  Freemen  of  the  Province  of  Penn 
sylvania.'  I  attended  three  several  days  the  sit 
ting  of  the  Superior  Court.  The  bar  are  a  very 
respectable  body.  The  alms-house,  hospital,  and 
statehouse  are  the  public  buildings  of  this  city, 
but  are  better  calculated  for  use,  than  elegance  or 
show.  All  sects  of  religionists  compose  this  city. 
There  is  a  proprietary  influence  in  this  pro 
vince,  destructive  of  a  liberal  conduct  in  the  leg 
islative  branch,  and  in  the  executive  authority, 
here.  The  house  of  representatives  are  but  thir 
ty-six  in  number ;  as  a  body,  held  in  great  and 
remarkable  contempt ; — much  despised  for  their 
acquiescence  with  the  views  and  measures  of  the 
proprietary  party,  and  singularly  odious  for  cer 
tain  provincial  manoeuvres,  too  circumstantial  to 
relate.  Their  debates  are  not  public,  which  is 


136 

said  now  to  be  the  case  of  only  this  house  of 
commons,  throughout  the  continent.  Many  have 
been  the  attempts  to  procure  an  alteration  in  this 
respect,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  The  influence 
which  governs  this  house  is  equal  if  riot  superior 
to  any  thing  we  hear  of,  but  that  which  governs 
the  British  Parliament  ;  and  the  proprietor  is  said 
to  have  as  dead  a  set,  in  a  Pennsylvanian  assem 
bly,  as  Lord  Bute,  or  North,  in  the  English  house 
of  commons.  This  province  is  in  great  danger 
from  this  quarter. 

Notwithstanding  the  proprietary  influence  here 
spoken  of,  there  is  a  certain  Quaker  interest  which 
operates  much  against  the  proprietor  in  land  causes, 
in  the  courts  of  common  law,  where  the  jury  fre 
quently  give  verdicts  against  the  opinion  of  the 
judges.  In  the  house  of  representatives,  the 
leaders  of  the  Quaker  party,  are  often  of  the  pro 
prietary  likewise. 

All  general  questions  and  points  are  carried  by 
the  Quakers  ; — that  is,  by  their  union  they  defeat 
the  operations  of  all  other  sects,  in  questions 
which  any  way  relate  to,  or  may  in  the  end  affect 
religious  concerns.  But  they  are  very  public- 
spirited  in  all  matters  of  public  edifices,  and  char 
itable  institutions.  There  is  also  throughout  the 


137 

whole  province  among  the  husbandmen,  a  spirit  of 
industry,  and  of  useful  improvement.  There  is 
no  militia  in  the  province,  and  of  course  no  seek 
ing  after  petty  commissions,  &c.  &c. 

"  The  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  this,  is  a 
topic  of  doubtful  disputation  ; — we  shall  never  all 
think  alike  on  this  head.  Many  of  the  Quakers, 
and  all  the  Moravians,  hold  defensive  war  lawful, 
offensive,  otherwise.  The  streets  of  Philadelphia 
intersect  each  other  at  right  angles  ;  and  it  is 
probably  the  most  regular,  best  laid  out  city  in 
the  world. 

"  This  city  and  province  are  in  a  most  flourish 
ing  state,  and  if  numbers  of  buildings,  inhabitants, 
artificers,  and  trade,  are  to  settle  the  point,  Phil 
adelphia,  is  the  metropolis  of  this  northern  region. 

"  The  Philadelphians  boast  of  their  market, — it 
is  undoubtedly  the  best  regulated  on  the  continent. 

"  The  political  state  of  Pennsylvania  is  at  this 
time  the  calmest  of  any  on  the  continent. 

"  May  10th.  Owing  to  the  company  with 
which  I  was  now  associated,  I  passed  through 
New  Jersey  with  unusual,  and  comparatively 
unprofitable  speed.  Burlington,  which  I  saw  at  a 
small  distance,  and  Trenton,  which  I  passed 
hastily  through,  are  pleasantly  situated  and  ap- 
18 


138 

pear  flourishing.  Princeton,  where  we  staid  one 
night,  is  a  delightful  and  healthy  situation.  The 
college  is  charmingly  situated,  and  is  a  commodi 
ous  and  handsome  edifice.  It  is  said  to  be  in  a 
flourishing  state.  The  soil  and  culture  of  the 
Jerseys  are  equal  if  not  superior  to  any  yet  settled 
in  America.  It  is  indeed  a  fine  country.  Having 
passed  rapidly  through  this  province,  and  for  that 
reason  declined  delivering  any  of  my  letters,  I  am 
quite  an  incompetent  judge  of  the  constitution, 
laws,  policy,  and  manners  of  the  people.  In  the 
evening  we  reached  Powles  Hook  ferry,  and  next 
morning  crossed  to  New  York.  In  the  afternoon 
and  evening  we  traversed  the  whole  city,  and 
spent  the  night  at  our  lodgings,  in  company  with 
Major  R.  Bayard  and  Mr  Hyde. 

"  May  llth.     Breakfasted  with  Major  Bayard, 

received   a  few  complimentary  visits,   and    an 

invitation  to  dine  with  Col.  Wm  Bayard,  at  his 
seat  in  the  country.  Went  to  the  theatre  in  the 
evening,— saw  the  Gamester  and  the  Padlock 
performed.  The  actors  make  but  an  indifferent 
figure  in  tragedy,— a  much  better  in  comedy. 
Hallam  has  merit  in  every  character  he  acts.  I 
was  however,  upon  the  whole,  much  amused  ; 
-but  as  a  citizen  and  friend  to  the  morals 


139 

and  happiness  of  society,  I  should  strive  hard 
against  the  admission,  and  much  more  the  es 
tablishment  of  a  theatre,  in  any  state  of  which  I 
was  a  member. 

"May  12th.  Spent  the  morning  in  writing 
and  roving,  and  dined  with  Col.  Wm  Bayard  at 
his  seat  on  the  North  river.  Attended  a  public 
concert,  which  was  very  full, — the  music  indiffer 
ent, — the  ladies  sprightly  and  beautiful. 

"May  13th.  Spent  the  day  in  riding  and 
rambling. 

"May  14th.     Prepared  for  departure. 

"  May  15th.  By  the  desire  of  Col.  Oliver 
and  some  other  gentlemen,  I  took  passage  down 
the  Sound  to  Newport.  I  was  the  rather  induced 
to  this  tour  by  water  than  through  Connecticut, 
having  before  been  through  that  colony,  and  my 
horses  being  so  fatigued  by  their  journey,  as  to 
render  it  doubtful  whether  they  could  reach  home 
by  land.  Excepting  a  storm  which  occasioned 
our  lying  at  anchor  one  day,  our  passage  was 
pleasant,  and  we  reached  Newport  safely  this 
day  about  noon. 

"  The  equestrian  statue  of  his  Majesty,  near 
the  fort,  is  a  very  great  ornament  to  the  city  of 
New  York.  The  statue  of  Mr  Pitt  has  all  the 


140 

defects  of  that  at  Charleston.  Being  now  so 
near  the  place  of  my  birth  and  residence,  my 
sentiments  and  opinions  may  be  presumed  to  be 
too  much  affected  by  former  impressions  and  in 
fluences,  to  make  me  an  impartial  judge  or 
wholly  indifferent  relator.  I  therefore  wave  a 
detail  of  my  observations  and  judgments  upon  the 
two  colonies  of  New  York  and  Rhode  Island. 

"  Thus  currente  calamo,  have  I  given  some 
idea  of  the  impressions  made  upon  my  own  mind 
in  this  agreeable  tour.  Opinions  and  sentiments 
formed  in  haste,  and  (as  Lord  Bacon  says)  '  upon 
the  spur  of  the  occasion,5  are  liable  to  many 
exceptions  ;  and  may  probably  be  erroneous. 
However,  they  are  evidences  of  one's  own  judg 
ment,  and  may  serve  the  valuable  purpose  of 
bringing  past  scenes  into  present  and  future  view, 
and  be  a  landmark  of  our  own  errors.  Some  of 
the  most  durable  pleasures  are  of  the  retrospective 
kind  ;  some  of  the  best  preservatives  from  present 
mistakes,  are  written  transcripts  of  past  errors. 
What  1  have  set  down  will  be  chiefly  useful  to 
myself.  A  bird  of  passage  may  easily  collect, 
peradvcnture  bear  away,  food  for  itself;  but  can 
transport  on  its  fleeting  tour  very  little  if  any 


141 

thing,   of  sufficient   solidity  for  the   nourishment 
of  others. 

"  Were  I  to  lament  any  thing,  it  would  be  the 
prevalent  and  extended  ignorance  of  one  colony, 
of  the  concerns  of  another  ; — were  I  to  breathe  a 
wish,  it  would  be,  that  the  numerous  and  surpris 
ingly  increasing  inhabitants  of  this  extensive  and 
fertile  continent,  may  be  thoroughly  attentive  to, 
and  suitably  actuated  by  the  blessings  of  Provi 
dence,  rhe  dangers  which  surround  them,  and  the 
duties  they  owe  to  God,  themselves,  and  pos 
terity." 


On  the  return  of  Mr  Quincy  to  his  native 
town,  he  resumed  his  professional  and  political 
labours,  with  characteristic  ardour.  The  new 
and  intimate  intercourse,  which  during  his  tour  he 
had  laboured  to  establish,  resulted  in  a  correspond 
ence  with  several  of  the  eminent  men  of  that 
period,  who  are  mentioned  in  the  preceding  jour 
nal.  The  ensuing  letter  from  Jonathan  B.  Smith 
Esq.  has  reference  to  a  question  much  agitated 
at  that  time,  and  maintained  with  great  firmness 
by  the  friends  of  American  freedom,  '  that  the 
original  purpose  of  the  early  emigrants  to  this 
country  was,  to  escape,  absolutely,  from  the  juris- 


142 

diction  of  the  parent  state  ;  and,  that  this  inten 
tion  was  fairly  to  be  deduced  from  the  early  char 
ters.'  In  the  letter  from  Mr  Clymer  will  be  seen 
the  different  degree  of  ardour  which  at  that  time 
existed  among  the  various  colonies,  touching  the 
great  question  of  resistance  to  Great  Britain. 

Doubts  concerning  the  firmness  or  patriotism 
of  one  or  the  other  of  the  colonies  were  common, 
and  were  not  unfrequently  expressed  to  each 
other,  by  those  ardent  spirits,  whose  boldness 
and  sagacity  would  not  permit  them  to  follow 
tracks,  wrhich  seemed  to  them  timid  or  time 


serving. 


The  reply  of  Mr  Quincy  is  a  short  exposition 
of  the  principles  and  means  by  which  union 
might  be  effected  among  the  colonies,  and  resist 
ance  against  foreign  oppression  organized. 

The  ultimate  union  and  faithfulness  of  those 
colonies,  whose  firmness  was  at  that  time  ques 
tioned,  soon  dispelled  all  such  patriotic  appre 
hensions.  It  was  to  be  expected,  in  the  great 
diversity  of  interests,  habits,  knowledge,  and  con 
nexion  with  the  parent  state,  which  existed  in  the 
several  colonies,  that  the  impressions  made  on 
each  by  the  same  acts  of  the  British  ministry 
should  be  different ;  and  that  the  necessity  of  re- 


143 

sistance,  and  the  degree  to  which  it  ought  to 
extend,  should  be  in  each  differently  estimated. 
Hesitation,  doubt,  and  want  of  concord,  under 
such  circumstances,  cannot  be  a  matter  of  sur 
prise.  The  real  cause  of  wonder  is,  that  a  har 
mony  so  perfect,  and  an  union,  as  it  respected  the 
end  and  means  of  oppositions  so  general,  should 
have  been  effected  at  such  an  early  period.  A 
knowledge  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  these  fears, 
existing  in  the  colonies  in  relation  to  each  other, 
is,  however,  necessary,  in  order  to  a  perfect  under 
standing  of  the  difficulties  by  which  those  were 
surrounded,  who  saw  the  necessity  of  independ 
ence,  and  whose  courage  permitted  them  to  stop 
at  nothing  short  of  its  complete  achievement. 

TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY    JUN.   ESQ.,    BOSTON. 

"Philadelphia,  May  12,  1773. 
"Sir, 

"  Agreeably  to  my  promise  I  now  enclose  you 
a  copy  of  one  of  the  first  American  charters.  It 
is  made  out  from  an  impression  of  (A.  D.  1600) 
4  Hackluit's  Voyages,'  which  is  now  out  of  print, 
and  perhaps  the  copy,  from  which  it  is  taken,  is 
the  only  one  in  America.  Had  your  Governor 
Hutchinson  a  copy  within  his  reach,  it  might 


144 

have  furnished  him  with  perhaps  not  the  least 
curious,  and  it  may  be  important  paper  in  his  col 
lection.  How  far  this  and  the  other  papers  of 
those  early  times  may  discover  the  intentions  of 
the  adventurers  to  America,  and  of  government, 
with  respect  to  the  unlimited  authority  of  Great 
Britain  over  the  colonies  to  be  planted,  is  a  ques 
tion  that  may  admit  of  a  quick  decision,  especial 
ly  if  the  approving  act  of  Parliament,  some  time 
after  passed,  be  attended  to.  As  for  the  enclosed, 
I  think  you  may  depend  upon  it  as  exact  and 
correct.  I  hope  this  may  meet  you  happy  in  the 
enjoyment  of  your  family  and  friends. 
"  I  am,  Sir,  very  respectfully  yours, 

"  JONATHAN  B.   SMITH." 

TO    JOSIAH  QUINCY   JUN. 

"  Philadelphia,  July  29,   1773. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"I  returned  home  a  few  weeks  ago,  considera 
bly  better  for  my  eastern  journey,  and  have  al 
ready  let  too  long  a  time  slip,  without  acknowledg 
ing  the  obligations  your  many  civilities  have  laid 
me  under.  I  have  thanks  to  return  to  many  gen 
tlemen  of  Boston  on  that  score,  and  could  wish 
my  own  countrymen  were  not  justly  accused  of 


145 

falling  so  far  short  of  yours,  in  the  great  virtue  of 
hospitality.  But  hospitality  was  not  the  only 
virtue  I  had  reason  to  admire  there — your  patriot 
ism  is  the  great  support  of  the  common  cause, 
and  I  trust  will  in  time  diffuse  itself  so  universal 
ly  as  to  make  all  attempts  against  American  lib 
erty  as  vain  as  they  are  wicked.  At  present  in 
deed  it  seems  to  have  taken  but  shallow  root  in 
some  places,  particularly  at  New  York,  where  all 
political  principles  are  truly  as  unfixed  as  the  wind. 
One  year  sees  the  New-Yorkers  champions  for  lib 
erty,  and  the  next  hugging  their  chains.  Our 
Pennsylvanians  I  take  to  be  in  the  mean  betwixt 
both.  I  cannot  call  it  the  golden  mean,  for  sure 
ly  it  is  not  alone  sufficient  when  our  liberties  are 
so  greatly  threatened,  to  think  justly  of  the  dan 
ger,  or  to  have  the  principles  of  freemen.  These 
principles  should  direct  the  conduct  of  every  in 
dividual,  and  of  the  public. 

"  I  beg  you  will  make  my  particular  compli 
ments  to  Mr  Hancock  and  Mr  S.  Adams.  There 
are  no  men  more  worthy  of  general  esteem  ; — the 
latter  I  cannot  sufficiently  respect  for  his  integri 
ty  and  abilities.  All  good  Americans  should  erect 
a  statue  to  him  in  their  hearts.  Our  acquaint 
ance  has  yet  been  but  short,  but,  believe  me,  it 
19 


146 

will  leave  an  impression  on  me  of  longer  date, 
and  a  strong  desire  with  it  of  cultivating  your 
friendship.  I  sincerely  wish  you  and  yours  every 
possible  happiness,  and  am,  dear  Sir, 

your  most  obedient  servant, 

GEORGE  CLYMER. 


TO   GEORGE  CLYMER  ESQ. 

"Boston,  August,  1773. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  It  gives  me   great  pleasure    to  hear  of  your 
safe  return   to   your   family.       The   reflection   of 
having    contributed    to    Mr    Clymer's   happiness, 
gives  his  friends  a  real  satisfaction.     I   hope  your 
confidence    in    the    universal    diffusion   of   public 
virtue  will  not   be   frustrated.      Force  is   not  all 
we  have  to  fear  ;  fraud  is  a  more  concealed,  and 
therefore    a    more    dangerous    enemy.       Political 
artifice    is  used  to   divide,  while  ministerial  ma 
noeuvres  destroy  us.        Instability  is  not  peculiar 
to  the  New-Yorkers  ;  it  is  the    characteristic  of 
men   in  all   ages    and   nations.       Let   us   forgive 
each   other's    follies,    and  unite    wrhile    we  may. 
'  To  think  justly,  is  [certainly]   not  sufficient' — 
but  we  must  think  alike,  before  we  shall    form  a 
union  ;— that    truly   formed,   we    are    invincible. 


147 

They  who  have  the  principles  of  freemen,  feel 
them  ; — the  sensation  once  felt,  it  directs  '  the 
band  of  the  undivided  and  free.'  A  spark  of  fire 
inflames  a  compact  building,  a  spark  of  spirit 
will  as  soon  enkindle  a  united  people.  Our  hem 
isphere  is  calm,  but  the  diviners  of  our  political 
sky  see  a  cloud  at  the  horizon,  though  not  bigger 
than  a  hand.  They  who  have  reason  to  fear  a 
storm,  will  seek  a  shelter.  The  impression  of 
our  short  acquaintance  was  most  certainly  mutual, 
and  a  cultivation  of  future  friendship,  as  cor 
dially  embraced  as  it  is  offered.  A  mutual 
exchange  of  sentiments  will  give  us,  as  men,  a 
knowledge  of  each  other ;  that  knowledge  natur 
ally  creates  esteem,  and  that  esteem  will,  in  the 
end,  cement  us  as  colonists.  As  men,  and  as 
brethren  then,  in  one  common  cause,  let  us  think, 
converse,  and  act.  When  the  guilty  combine,  let 
the  virtuous  unite  ;  else  individuals  and  commu 
nities  will  fall  a  sacrifice,  one  by  one,  in  an 
inglorious,  despicable  struggle.  Present  me,  in 
terms  expressive  of  great  affection  and  respect, 
to  Mr  Dickinson  and  Mr  Reed,  and  believe  me 
with  sincere  regard,  and  warm  wishes,  your  most 
humble,  obedient  servant, 

"  JOSIAH   QUINCY  JUN." 


148 

The  controversy  between  the  colonies  and  the 
parent  state,  now  became  daily  more  alarming 
and  critical.  Lieutenant  Governor  Hutchinson 
had  succeeded  to  the  chair  of  state  in  Massachu 
setts,  on  the  embarkation  of  Governor  Bernard 
for  England  in  the  autumn  of  1  769.  His  convo 
cation  of  the  General  Assembly  at  Cambridge 
instead  of  Boston,  in  1770  ; — his  acquiescence  in 
the  dismissal  of  the  troops  at  Castle  Island,  which 
had  formerly  been  in  the  pay  of  the  province,  and 
suffering  that  fortress  to  be  placed  in  the  hands 
of  a  regular  British  force ; — his  refusal  to  approve 
a  bill  which  had  passed  both  branches  of  the  legis 
lature  for  the  more  frequent  inspection  and  disci 
pline  of  the  militia  ; — the  duplicity  with  which 
he  had  acted  on  that  occasion  ; — the  misrepresent 
ations  which  he  had  made  to  the  British  ministry, 
both  as  to  the  conduct  of  the  council,  and  that  of 
the  metropolis  ; — his  accepting  a  salary  from  the 
crown  in  April  1771  ; — objecting  to  the  general 
tax-bill,  unless  the  officers  of  the  crown  were 
exempted  ; — refusing  his  assent  to  the  resolve  of 
the  legislature  for  the  payment  of  their  agent  in 
England  ; — openly  advocating  the  doctrine  that 
the  liberties  of  the  province  depended  on  the 
grant  of  the  crown,  and  that  the  colonies  were 


149 

bound  to  obey  all  laws  of  the  parent  state  ;— -his 
refusal  to  answer  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  when 
they  inquired  by  a  committee,  <  whether  the  sala 
ries  of  the  judges  were  also  to  be  paid  by  the 
crown,"  and  negativing  their  application  for  a 
convocation  of  the  General  Assembly,  for  the 
purpose  of  adopting  measures  to  prevent  so  great 
an  evil  ; — had  formed  an  aggregate  of  offensive 
acts,  the  effect  of  which,  on  his  character  and 
influence,  no  talents  could  uphold,  no  popularity 
support,  no  artifice  either  palliate  or  evade. 

From    being   a    man   of  the  greatest   influence 
and  popularity,  he  became  the  most  obnoxious  of 
all    the  tools    of  the  British   ministry.     No  man 
had   obeyed  their   mandate    with   more   boldness. 
No  man  had  advocated  their  principles  with  more 
effrontery.     He  had  not  merely  acted  on   the  de 
fensive,  he  had  sought  opportunities  to   show   his 
zeal  and  forwardness  in  the  cause  of  his  employ 
ers.     At  this  time,  June  1773,  the  letters  of  Ber 
nard,  Hutchinson,  and    several    commissioners  of 
the    revenue,     were    discovered   and    transmitted 
from  England  by  Franklin,  and  communicated  by 
Samuel  Adams  to   the  House  of  Representatives 
in  Massachusetts. 


150 

Their  effect  was  convulsive.  The  legislative 
hall  and  the  press  teemed  with  resolves  and  re 
proaches.  Among  others,  Mr  Quincy  recom 
menced  a  series  of  essays  under  the  title  of 
"  Marchmont  Nedham,"  in  atone  of  bold  invective 
against  those  whom  he  considered  as  the  authors 
and  instigators  of  the  oppressive  measures  of  the 
British  ministry.  The  spirit  of  the  writer  will 
appear  from  a  single  paragraph.  "  If  to  appear 
for  my  country  is  treason,  and  to  arm  for  her  de 
fence  is  rebellion, — like  my  fathers,  I  will  glory 
in  the  name  of  rebel  and  traitor, — as  they  did  in 
that  of  puritan  and  enthusiast." 

In  May  1774,  he  published  his  chief  political 
work,  entitled  "  Observations  on  the  act  of  Par 
liament,  commonly  called  '  The  Boston  Port  Bill,' 
with  Thoughts  on  Civil  Society  and  Standing 
Armies."  After  this  work  was  advertised  as  be 
ing  in  the  press,  he  received  the  following  anon 
ymous  letter,  from  the  British  coffee-house. 


TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY    JUN. 

"  Sir, 

"  I  am  compelled  by  the  common  principles  of 
humanity  to  warn  you  of  the  imminent  hazard 
which  I  consider  you  to  be  in,  of  the  loss  of  life, 


151 

and  confiscation  of  your  estate.  It  is  now  be 
come  very  apparent  that  the  supreme  power  of 
Great  Britain,  viz.  King,  Lords,  and  Commons, 
which  you  some  time  since,  as  I  am  informed,  were 
pleased  to  term,  '  a  transmarine  power,  to  which 
we  were  not  amenable^  hath  taken  a  resolution 
to  assert  its  sovereignty  over  this  his  Majesty's 
colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  a  sovereignty,  which 
has  never  been  disputed  by  any  of  the  other  col 
onies,  except  in  the  article  of  taxation,  and  not  by 
this  but  a  very  short  time  since.  Every  measure 
necessary  to  carry  this  resolution  into  execution, 
hath  been  taken.  A  force  is  employed  for  this 
purpose,  to  oppose  which  in  our  weak,  forlorn  con 
dition,  it  would  be  madness  to  attempt.  This  be 
ing  the  case,  it  cannot  be  supposed,  that  if  there 
should  be  a  continuance  of  these  insults  and  indio-- 

o 

nities,  which  for  some  years  past  have  been  put 
upon  the  government,  and  the  servants  of  it,  that 
the  leading  promoters  of  such  insults  and  indigni 
ties  will  escape  with  impunity.  Those  actions 
and  words,  which  by  the  laws  of  Great  Britain  are 
there  determined  to  be  treasonable  and  rebellious, 
will  be  considered  as  such  here  ;  and  the  authors 
of  them  suffer  the  pains  and  penalties,  which 
are  inflicted  on  traitors  and  rebels  in  Great  Britain 


152 

or  any  other  part  of  the  realm.     Of  all  this   you 
seem  to  me  to  be  altogether  insensible,  at  which  I 
cannot    but   express    the    greatest  surprise,    as   I 
consider  you  to  be  a  person  of  quick  discernment, 
to  be  well  versed  in  the  knowledge  of  government, 
law  in  general,   and  more  particularly  of  the  laws 
and  constitution  of  the  parent  state.    Your  political 
enthusiasm  and  popular  attachment  must  certainly 
have  totally  blinded  the  eyes  of  your  understand 
ing  ;  otherwise,  I  cannot  conceive  it  to   be  possi 
ble   that   a   man  of  your   good   sense,    instead  of 
promoting  such  measures  at   our   late  town  meet 
ing,  which  in  our  most  calamitous  condition  might 
have  a  tendency  to  soften  the  resentment  of  gov 
ernment,  and  to  induce  his   Majesty  and  his  privy 
council  to  remove   those  evils,    which   are  justly 
brought  upon  us  for  our  past   crimes,    should  en 
deavour  by  inflammatory  harangues  to  keep  up  the 
phrenzy  of  the  poor,  deluded  people  of  this  town  ; 
to  persuade   them,  that   they  have  resources  suffi 
cient  within  themselves,  if  they  were  united   and 
firm,  to   extricate  themselves  out  of  these  difficul 
ties,  and  to  obtain  a  complete  conquest  over  Great 
Britain,  even  without  the  assistance  of  the  neigh 
bouring  towns  of  this  province,  and   of  the   sister 
colonies  ;  but  if  they  should  join  us,  that  our  vie- 


153 

tory  would  be  beyond  a  doubt ;  that  some  Crom 
well  would  soon  rise,  and  trample  under  his  feet 
our  enemies,  viz.  King,  Lords,  and  Commons  of 
Great  Britain,  for  you  could  mean  no  other,  they 
being  the  only  enemies  you  were  speaking  of. 
You  did  indeed,  in  express  terms,  charge  them 
with  ignorance  and  effrontery  (in  another  word, 
with  impudence),  for  passing  the  late  act,  which 
will  shut  up  our  port.  Not  content  with  these 
bold  speeches,  you  were  the  principal  mover  of 
sundry  votes,  passed  at  this  meeting,  which  can 
be  considered  in  no  other  light  by  Great  Britain, 
than  as  an  hostile  attack  upon  her  ;  as  by  those 
votes,  the  neighbouring  towns  of  this  province, 
and  all  the  colonies  from  the  Floridas  to  New 
foundland,  are  to  be  stimulated  by  committees  of 
correspondence  to  put  a  force  upon  her  trade. 

"  Reflect  a  moment  upon  this  conduct  ;  con 
sider  the  present  strength  of  administration,  who 
have  carried  their  measures  against  you  without 
the  least  opposition ;  consider  the  power  they 
have  at  present  in  their  hands  (however  weak 
they  may  be,  when  your  formidable  Cromwell 
steps  forth,)  to  bring  to  condign  punishment  all 
offenders  against  the  state  ;  and  I  am  sure  you 
will  think  with  me,  that  your  situation  is  truly 
20 


154 

alarming.     You  will  very    probably  get   into  the 
hands  of  a  power,  from  which  no  power  you  can 
look  to  will   be  able  to  deliver  you.     You  have 
gone  such  lengths  that  I  am  fearful  nothing  can 
save  you.     I  know  but  of  one  expedient  left  you, 
which  is  that   of  acknowledging   on   Wednesday 
next  to  this  distressed  people,  that  you  have  been 
in  an  error, — that  you  have  deceived   yourself, — 
that  you  have  deceived  them.     Employ,  for  God's 
sake,  those  rare  talents  with  which  he  has  bless 
ed  you,  in  convincing  them  that  they  have  nothing 
to    do,    but    to    submit,    and    make    their    peace 
with    that  government,  which  they    have,    under 
the   influence   of  you   and   other   factious    dema 
gogues,   so   long   offended.      You   may   by  these 
means  probably  make  your  own  peace,  and  ward 
off  the   punishment  that  hangs   over  your  head. 
"It  is   barely   possible  that   government   may 
still  continue   its  great  lenity,  and  overlook  your 
offences.     If  this  should  be   the  case,  permit   me 
to  observe,  there   is  another  danger  to  which  you 
are  exposed. 

"  The  inhabitants  of  this  wretched  town  would, 
if  proper  measures  were  taken,  be  saved  from 
total  destruction  ;— but  if,  by  the  mad  pursuits  of 
you  and  others,  their  ruin  should  be  completed,— 


155 


if  thousands  of  the  poor,  who  depend  upon  their 
daily  labour  for  their  daily  bread,  should  be  in  a 
starving  condition, — if  those  who  can  now  calcu 
late  upon  such  incomes  from  their  real  estates, 
as  to  be  able  to  live  in  affluence,  should  find  their 
estates  to  yield  them  not  sufficient  to  subsist 
them,  they  will  begin  to  look  round  for  the  real 
authors  of  their  ruin,  and  wreak  their  vengeance 
upon  them.  They  will  no  longer  consider  Ber 
nard,  Hutchinson,  Oliver,  commissioners  of  the 
customs,  &c.  &c.  as  their  enemies ;  they  will  put 
the  saddle  on  the  right  horse.  We  shall  see  an 
Adams,  a  Young,  a  Cooper,  a  Warren,  a  Quincy, 
with  certain  learned  doctors  of  divinity,  either 
destroyed  by,  or  fleeing  in  their  turn  from  their 
rage,  and  applying  to  that  power,  which  they 
have  so  long  insulted,  for  protection. 

"  I  have  conversed  with  many  of  the  thinking 
part  of  this  community,  and  find  very  few  who 
do  not  condemn  your  proceedings.  Nothing  has 
prevented  a  public  protest  appearing  against  you, 
but  the  fear  of  that  most  formidable  tyranny 
which  the  ruling  part  of  this  town  have  so  long, 
by  having  the  command  of  an  heated  populace, 
exercised  over  it.  Upon  the  appearance  of  any 
power  that  will  be  sufficient  to  emancipate  them 


156 


from  this  terrible  hydra,  you  will  find  that  spirit 
which  now  vents  itself  in  secret  curses,  break  out 
into  open  violence.  I  can  hear  you  in  almost  all 
company  I  go  into,  styled  villains,  scoundrels, 
rascals  ;  and  many  wish  that  the  vengeance  of 
government  had  been  pointed  at  the  authors  of 
all  our  misery, — meaning  your  particular  junto, 
where,  it  is  said,  it  ought  to  have  fallen, — and 
not  upon  the  whole  community,  a  large  portion 
of  whom  are  innocent. 

"  Let  me  conjure  you  to  weigh  well  what  I 
have  offered  to  your  consideration,  and  believe 
me  to  be 

"  YOUR  WELLWISHER." 

The  reply  of  Mr  Quincy  to  the  preceding 
anonymous  letter  was  published  in  the  Massa 
chusetts  Gazette,  No.  3685. 


u  Boston,  May,  1774. 
"  Mr  Draper, 

"  Having  this  day  received  from  the  British 
coffee-house  an  anonymous  letter,  in  which  the 
author  <  warns  me  of  the  imminent  hazard  which 
he  considers  me  to  be  in,  of  the  loss  of  life,  and 


157 

confiscation  of  my  estate,'  I  desire,  through  the 
medium  of  your  paper,  to  acknowledge  the  re 
ceipt  of  it,  and,  in  turn,  communicate  my  own 
sentiments  to  the  author. 

"  The  good  or  ill  design  of  the  writer  being 
problematical,  1  suspend  my  censure,  and  he 
surely  will  not  expect  my  thanks.  Had  he,  in 
stead  of  concealing  himself  beyond  the  power  of 
discovery,  desired  a  conversation  with  me  in 
person,  his  frankness  would  have  been  an  evidence 
of  his  sincerity,  and  my  cordiality  on  the  occa 
sion  should  have  testified  my  gratitude. 

"  The  danger  and  the  wrongs  of  my  country 
are  to  me  equally  apparent.  In  all  my  public 
exertions,  I  feel  a  sense  of  right  and  duty,  that 
not  only  satisfies  my  conscience,  but  inspires  my 
zeal.  While  I  have  this  sentiment,  I  shall  per 
severe,  till  my  understanding  is  convinced  of  its 
error ;  a  conviction  that  will  not  be  wrought  by 
the  arm  of  power,  or  the  hand  of  an  assassin. 

"  Threats  of  impending  danger,  communicated 
by  persons  who  conceal  their  name  and  character, 
ought  never  to  deter  from  the  path  of  duty  ;  but 
exciting  contempt  rather  than  fear,  they  will 
determine  a  man  of  spirit  to  proceed  with  new 
vigour  and  energy,  in  his  public  conduct. 


158 

"  My  place  of  abode  is  well  known,  and  I  am 
easily  found.  The  author  of  the  letter  referred 
to,  if  he  will  favour  me  with  a  visit,  shall  receive 
the  best  civilities  of  my  house  ;  and  if  he  will 
appoint  a  meeting,  I  will  give  him  my  presence, 
either  alone,  or  in  company  ;  till  which  time  he 
surely  will  not  expect  that  I  shall  endeavour  to 
point  out  his  mistakes,  or  flatter  himself  that 
anonymous  papers  will  answer  the  end  he  pro 
fesses  to  have  in  view. 

"  JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN." 

Notwithstanding  these  threats,  the  pamphlet 
was  immediately  published.  Although  temporary 
in  its  nature,  yet  its  connexion  with  the  charac 
ter  of  the  times  and  that  of  the  writer,  as  well 
as  with  one  of  the  most  important  periods  in  the 
history  of  the  metropolis  of  Massachusetts,  gives 
it  a  permanent  interest.  It  is  therefore  repub- 
lished  in  this  volume.  It  is  impossible  for  any 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  now  in  the  enjoy 
ment  of  all  the  blessings,  which  have  been  con 
sequent  on  the  struggle  and  the  excitement  of 
that  period,  to  read  the  eloquent  anticipations 
with  which  that  pamphlet  closes,  and  not  exclaim, 
in  the  language  of  the  writer,— "  What  was  then 


159 

prophecy,  is  now7  history  ! ''  To  him,  indeed, 
the  great  men  whom  the  scenes  of  our  revolution 
were  so  soon  to  develop,  were  without  a  name 
or  reputation.  The  fame  of  Washington  himself 
was  heard  only  among  the  broken  and  uncertain 
rumours  of  a  distant  Indian  warfare.  That  noble 
band  of  heroes  and  of  statesmen,  whose  deeds 
now  cast  a  glorious  light  upon  our  age  and  coun 
try,  were  hidden  in  that  impenetrable  cloud, 
which  rests,  as  it  respects  man,  on  every  thing 
future.  Yet  the  brightness  of  the  coming  day 
was  apparent  to  his  intellectual  vision.  Provi 
dence  permitted  him  to  see  in  prospect,  what  it 
did  not  permit  him  to  witness  in  person,  and  to 
utter  the  suggestions  of  his  foresight  with  a  glow 
of  language,  which  reality  itself  scarcely  exceeded. 

" Spirits  and  genii  like  these  rose 

in  Rome,  and  have  since  adorned  Britain.  Such, 
also,  will  one  clay  make  glorious  this  more  western 
world.  America  hath  in  store  her  Bruti  and 
Cassii, — her  Hampdens  and  Sydneys  ; — patriots 
and  heroes,  who  will  form  a  band  of  brothers  : 
— men,  who  will  have  memories  and  feelings, 
courage  and  swords  ;— courage,  that  shall  inflame 
their  ardent  bosoms,  till  their  hands  cleave  to  their 
swords, — and  their  swords  to  their  enemies7 
hearts." 


160 

The  following  letter  from  Samuel  Quincy,  to 
his  brother,  on  receiving  a  copy  of  his  "  Observa 
tions  on  the  Boston  Port  Bill,"  shows  that,  not 
withstanding  they  were  opposed  in  political  senti 
ments,  their  affection  for  each  other  remained  un 
altered.  Such  evidences  of  the  mutual  attach 
ment  of  these  brothers  will  be  read  with  interest, 
when  it  is  remembered,  that  by  a  singular  and 
hard  destiny,  the  one  sacrificed  his  health  and 
prematurely  terminated  his  existence  by  his  efforts 
in  a  cause,  the  success  of  which  exiled  the  other 
for  life,  from  his  home  and  his  country. 

TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY    JUN. 

"Boston,  June  1,  1774. 
"  Dear  Brother, 

"  The  pamphlet  you  presented  me  yesterday 
was  doubly  acceptable,  as  the  billet  that  accom 
panied  it  assures  me  of  your  desire  to  live  in 
amity  with  an  only  brother.  Such  a  testimony  of 
your  respect  I  cannot  fail  of  remembering  with 
pleasure.  The  convulsions  of  the  times  are  in 
nothing  more  to  be  lamented,  than  in  the  interrup 
tion  of  domestic  harmony.  We  have  hitherto,  I 
trust,  happily  seconded  the  friendship  of  blood,  by 
the  friendship  of  the  heart  and  affections ;  and 


though  our  intercourse  is  not  so  free,  or  frequent, 
as  it  could  be  wished,  yet  the  caution  we  have 
preserved  when  together,  in  conversing  on  the 
subject  of  politics,  will  continue  to  prevent  a 
clashing  of  the  fiercer  passions. 

"  Our  natural  frame  and  constitution,  are  not 
in  all  respects  alike,  nor  is  a  difference  in  the  turn 
of  mind  among  branches  of  the  same  family  an 
uncommon  appearance.  A  love  of  ease  and  re 
tirement,  though  not  idle,  nor  unemployed  in  the 
valuable  purposes  of  life,  may  be  the  predominant 
passion  in  one  ;  while  another,  carried  out  by  the 
zeal  and  fervour  of  imagination,  strength  of  genius, 
and  love  of  glory,  shall  snatch  at  the  wreaths  of 
fame,  through  the  turmoils  of  public  action. 

"  Both  of  these,  nevertheless,  may  be  actuated 
by  the  purest  principles  of  virtue  and  integrity  ; 
nay  more,  may  be  equally  serviceable  in  that 
community  wherein  Providence  has  assigned  them 
a  being.  A  state  of  inaction,  among  philosophers 
the  <  Vis  inertiae,'  is  in  some  degree  a  state  of 
criminality :  but  innocence  ought  never  to  be  con 
demned,  whether  the  gem  lies  uncultivated,  or  is 
found  polished  in  the  courts  of  princes.  Igno 
miny  cannot  sully  virtue,  which  is  the  same  in  all 
conditions,  and  must  ever  challenge  respect.  A 
21 


162 

consciousness,  therefore,  of  having  done  his  duty, 
will  support  every  man  against  the  attacks  of  ob 
loquy,  and  reproach,  even  though  he  should  meet 
with  the  frowns  and  contempt  of  the  world,  at  a 
time  when  he  ought  to  inhabit  its  praise  and  ad 
miration. 

"Our  notions,  both  of  government  and  religion, 
may  be  variant, — but  perhaps  are  not  altogether 
discordant.  The  complexion  of  our  external 
conduct,  as  men  and  citizens,  may  have  its  cast 
from  such  variance  ;  but  I  hope  cannot  be  fairly 
imputed  to  either  of  us,  as  a  defect  of  conscience, 
or  uprightness  of  intention.  Want  of  communi 
cation  often  produces  a  contrariety  of  opinion, 
and  is  sometimes  a  source  of  disquietude  and  di 
vision.  Should  we  at  any  time  disagree  upon 
matters  that  require  an  explanation,  it  will  be  my 
study  to  obviate  the  effect  of  such  an  infelicity. 

"  God  preserve  you  in  health  and  longevity, 
the  friend  and  patron,  and  at  length  the  father  of 
your  country,  and  the  eclat  of  your  own  times 
record  you  with  honour  to  the  memory  of  the 
latest  ages,  arid  especially,  the  prayer  nearest  my 
heart,  may  you  continue,  and  have  reason  to  con 
tinue,  the  friend  and  companion  of  your  most 
cordially  affectionate  brother. 

"  SAMUEL  QUINCY." 


163 

THE  following  letters  indicate,  not  only  the 
general  jealousies  and  fears  which  existed  at  the 
period  in  which  they  were  written,  but  also,  the 
particular  apprehensions  prevalent  in  some  of  the 
other  colonies,  in  relation  to  the  conduct  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston,  under  the  oppressions,  to 
which  they  were  subjected.  Among  the  adherents 
of  the  British  ministry,  the  indignant  sense  enter 
tained  and  exhibited  by  the  people  of  Massachu 
setts,  and  particularly  by  the  inhabitants  of  Bos 
ton,  of  their  sufferings  and  wrongs,  was  denomi 
nated  "  impatience  of  good  order  and  just  authori 
ty,"  and  was  censured,  as  "  irregularities  and  ex 
travagancies"  not  to  be  countenanced  or  justified. 
The  best  friends  of  American  freedom  were 
also  not  without  very  natural  fears,  lest  Massa 
chusetts  should  be  quickened  into  measures  of 
open  resistance,  before  the  public  opinion  of  the 
other  colonies  would  justify  them  in  uniting  their 
fate  with  hers. 

In  all  the  colonies,  however,  prescient  and 
noble  spirits,  like  those  of  Clymer  and  Dickin 
son,  were  found,  who  could  appreciate  both  the 
nature  of  the  wrongs,  and  the  just  spirit,  which 
characterized  the  leaders  of  opposition  in  Boston 
and  its  vicinity  ;  and  who  were  chiefly  anxious 


164 

that  the  course  of  measures  in  Massachusetts, 
should  so  be  regulated  as  most  surely  and  easily 
to  bring  all  the  colonies  into  one  indissoluble 
phalanx  for  effectual  resistance.  The  ensuing 
letters  of  Mr  Clymer  and  Mr  Dickinson  are  full 
upon  this  point.  The  reply  of  Mr  Quincy  to  the 
latter  gentleman,  shows  how  little  he  could  brook 
that  the  patriotism  of  the  metropolis  of  Massa 
chusetts  should  be  questioned,  in  a  matter  of  pru 
dence,  any  more  than  of  duty  ;  and  how  deeply 
he  deprecated  "  timid  or  lukewarm  counsels,"  in 
the  crisis  which  then  impended  over  the  colonies. 
These,  as  well  as  all  letters  published  in  this 
work,  are  from  originals,  found  among  Mr  Quin- 
cy's  papers.  His  replies  also  are  taken  from 
copies  he  was  in  the  practice  of  preserving. 

TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY    JUN. 

"Philadelphia,  June  13,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  The  business  I  have  been  engaged  in,  almost 
ever  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  has 
in  a  great  measure  prevented  me  from  improving 
a  friendship  and  a  correspondence,  in  which  I  ex 
pected  the  greatest  satisfaction. 


165 

"  Knowing  how  much  you  have  at  heart  the 
welfare  of  your  country, — the  character  you  sus 
tain,  and  your  circle  of  connexions,  any  informa 
tion  from  you  respecting  the  true  springs  and 
motives  of  action  in  your  people  on  many  late 
occasions,  would  have  been  extremely  agreeable 
to  me  ;  feeling  myself  much  interested  in  every 
thing  that  can  affect  them. 

"  I  have  ever  been  an  advocate  for  the  political 
conduct  of  the  people  of  Boston,  wherever  it  has 
been  made  the  subject  of  conversation  ;  but  man 
ners  dissimilar  to  those  of  many  of  the  more 
southern  colonies,  and  perhaps  some  other  causes, 
have  most  undoubtedly  contributed  to  fix  preju 
dices,  which  nothing  but  a  clear  knowledge  of 
circumstances  can  possibly  remove. 

"  I  sincerely  believe,  that  fair  representations 
of  things  would  always  have  freed  them  from  any 
suspicions  of  an  impatience  of  good  order,  and 
of  just  authority.  Those  among  us  of  the  most 
enlarged  sentiments  and  who  have  elevated  ideas 
of  liberty,  are  unwilling  to  censure  any  irregular 
ities,  or  even  extravagancies,  which  a  zeal  for  her 
cause  may  have  produced  ;  but  narrow  minds  can 
scarcely,  in  any  case,  be  brought  to  approve, 
where  domestic  economy  and  good  order  seem  to 


166 

be  disturbed.  I  would  willingly  hope  that  the 
number  of  such  shortsighted  censurers  is  dimin 
ished,  and  that  the  distress  now  so  unjustly  in 
flicted  upon  the  town  of  Boston,  has  fixed  their 
attention  more  upon  the  danger  which  so  fatal  a 
precedent  has  made  common  to  all  the  Ameri 
cans.  At  present,  I  believe  this  to  be  the  case, 
and  that  almost  every  one  amongst  us  sees  the 
necessity  of  checking  the  progress  that  arbitrary 
power  is  making. 

"  Would  to  God  your  relief  could  be  speedily 
effected  by  the  means  pointed  out  by  the  vote  of 
your  town  ;  but  the  minds  of  men,  at  least  in  two 
of  the  principal  colonies,  cannot  yet  be  brought 
to  combat  with  the  most  powerful  principle  in 
human  nature  ;  I  mean  self -inter  est,  which  must 
be  so  generally  renounced  during  a  suspension  of 
trade.  Many  indeed,  who  are  not  swayed  by 
selfishness  are  for  offering  the  olive  branch  to  the 
mother  country,  unaccompanied  by  the  threats 
and  menaces  implied  in  that  measure  ;  and  pro 
posing  through  a  general  congress  such  terms  of 
accommodation,  as  will  leave  us  the  essential 
rights  of  Englishmen,  and  suffering  her  at  the 
same  time,  to  reap  those  advantages  in  trade, 
which  some  suppose  she  had  in  contemplation  in 


167 

first  settling  these  colonies, — notwithstanding  the 
opinion  which  old  charters  in  many  early  trans 
actions  justify,  that  the  absolute  independence  of 
the  colonies  was  intended.  If  these  two  ideas 
are  not  to  be  fairly  reconciled  in  theory,  they 
think,  perhaps,  a  temporary  compromise,  which 
should  leave  any  determinate  principles  out  of  the 
question,  may  be  effected.  Our  people  seem  bent 
upon  first  trying  this  experiment ;  the  necessity 
of  harmony  and  perfect  unanimity,  which  all  seem 
sensible  of,  has  reconciled  very  different  interests 
among  us,  and  by  yielding  to  each  other,  the 
Quakers  and  Presbyterians  and  other  contending 
sects  have  met  in  this  point. 

"  A  measure  of  this  kind  seems  calculated 
rather  as  a  general  barrier  against  the  encroaching 
power  of  Parliament,  than  to  give  immediate  relief 
to  people  in  your  situation.  We  all  wish,  how 
ever,  that  your  firmness  should  remain  unshaken, 
until  the  remedy,  to  be  applied,  shall  have  had  its 
operation  ;  but  this  seems  hardly  possible.  Patri 
otism,  assailed  by  poverty  and  want,  has  seldom 
stood  its  ground.  The  general  subscription  to 
be  opened  here,  which  I  hope  will  be  followed 
in  other  places,  will  show  that  your  neighbours 
have  not  absolutely  forsaken  you  in  the  day  of 


168 

distress  ;  it  will  in  some  measure  alleviate  the 
wretchedness  of  the  poor,  and  stifle  their  clamours 
for  bread.  Would  to  heaven  this  proposed  charity 
may  be  in  the  least  adequate  to  the  occasion, 
that  the  hard  necessity  of  complying  with  danger 
ous  and  disgraceful  terms,  might  be  utterly  taken 
away. 

"  It  is  said  there  is  a  crisis  in  political,  as  well 
as  in  natural  disorders ;  this  may  be,  when  the  ap 
prehensions  of  any  great  evils  shall  have  made 
such  progress  as  to  incline  men  to  make  the 
strongest  and  most  decisive  efforts  to  avoid  them. 

o 

I  believe  we  are  not  yet  ripe  for  these  efforts, — 
the  two  bills  before  Parliament  for  taking  away 
the  peculiar  privileges  of  your  province,  and  mak 
ing  the  soldiery  masters  of  your  lives,  will  proba 
bly  quicken  and  mature  our  resentments,  and  give 
us  a  greater  certainty  of  approaching  tyranny. 

"But  I  have  to  ask  your  pardon  for  this  tedious 
letter.     I  expect  in  a  few  weeks  to   see  you   at 
Boston  with  a  brother  of  Mr  Dickinson's.     * 
"  I  am,  dear  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"GEORGE  CLYMER." 


1G9 

TO    JOSIAH  QUINCY   JUN. 

"  Fairhill,  June  20,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  your  kind  letter, 
and  the  present  attending  it.  This,  without  flat 
tery,  I  think  highly  valuable,  and  it  gives  me  in 
expressible  pleasure  to  find  myself  addressed  m 
so  friendly  a  manner,  by  a  gentleman  I  so  hearti 
ly  wish  to  call  a  friend. 

"  As  far  as   I   have   been   able    to   collect   the 
sense  of  the  colonies,  they  are  very  unanimous  in 
the   measure  you  mention    of  a   congress.     You 
and  your  worthy  fellow-sufferers  would  receive  a 
glimpse  of  joy,  amid   your   distresses,  to    know 
with  what  sympathy  the  inhabitants  of  this  prov 
ince  consider   your  case.     What  never  happened 
before,  has  happened   now.     The   country-people 
have    so    exact   a    knowledge    of    facts,    and    of 
the    consequences    attending   a    surrender  of  the 
points  now  in  question,  that  they  are,  if  possible, 
more  zealous  than  the  citizens,  who  lie  in  the  di 
rect  line  of  information.     Doubt  not   that  every 
thing  bears  a   most   favourable  aspect.     Nothing 
can  throw  us  into  a  pernicious  confusion  but  one 
colony's   breaking  the  line  of  opposition,  by  ad 
vancing  too  hastily  before    the    rest.      The   one 


170 

which  dares  to  betray  the  common  cause,  by  rush 
ing  forward,  contrary  to  the  maxims  of  discipline 
established  by  comn  on  sense,  and  the  experience 
of  ages,  will  inevitably  and  utterly  perish. 

"  May  God  Almighty  bless  you,  and  my  be 
loved  brethren  of  Boston  and  Massachusetts  Bay. 
My  heart  is  full  ;  the  time  will  come,  I  hope, 
when  I  may  congratulate  them  on  a  more  stable 
security  of  their  liberty  than  they  ever  yet  have 
enjoyed. 

"  I  am,  Sir,  with  truth, 

"  your  very  affectionate 

"  and  very  humble  servant, 

"  JOHN  DICKINSON. 

"  Our  country-people  appear  to  me  to  be  very 
firm.  They  look  to  the  last  extremity  with 
spirit.  It  is  right  they  should,  if  they  will  sub 
mit  their  resentment  to  the  guidance  of  reason." 


TO  JOHN   DICKINSON    ESQ. 

"  Boston,  August  20,  1774. 
"  Much  respected  and  dear  Sir, 

"  Your  cordial  approbation  of  my  poor 
work  communicates  a  happiness,  surpassed  only 
by  your  kind  invitation  of  me  into  the  circle  of 


171 

your  friends.  Believe  me,  sir,  that  I  recollect 
no  feeling  which  would  give  me  more  solid,  heart 
felt  satisfaction,  than  being  considered  by  you  as 

an  honest  friend,  unless  I  except  a  consciousness 

« 

of  deserving  that  rank  and  confidence. 

"  Your    sentiments    relative    to    that    '  colony 
which  shall   advance  too   hastily  before   the  rest, 
contrary  to  the  maxims  of  discipline,'  &;c.  are  no 
doubt  just.     Yet  permit  me,  sir,  to  use  a  freedom, 
which  your  partiality  seems  to  invite,  and  observe, 
that  those  maxims  of  discipline  are  not  universally 
known  in  this  early  period  of  continental  warfare  ; 
and    are    with    great    difficulty    practised,     by    a 
people   under  the    scourge   of  public   oppression. 
When  time  shall  have  taught  wisdom,  and   past 
experience   have   fixed   boundaries  to   the   move 
ments   of   a   single    colony,    its    intemperate    and 
over-hasty  strides  will  be  more  unpardonable.    But 
if  we  should  unfortunately  see  one  colony  under  a 
treble    pressure    of   public    oppression,    rendered 
impatient    by   the    refinements,    delays,  and    ex 
periments    of  the   Philadelphians  ;     of  their   less 
oppressed,  and  therefore  more  deliberate  brethren ; 
— I    say,  if  a  colony   thus  insulted,  galled   from 
without,   and  vexed  within,  should   seem  to  ad 
vance,  and  {  break  the  line  of  opposition,'  ought 


172 

it   to  incur   the  heavy    censure  of  '  betraying  the 
common  cause  ? '      Though  not    to   be  justified, 
may  not  its   fault  be  considered  venial  ?     Believe 
me,  dear  sir,  you  know  not  all  our  patriotic  trials 
in  this  province.     Corruption  (which  delay  gives 
time  to  operate)  is  the  destroying  angel  we  have 
most   to  fear.       Our  enemies  wish  for  nothing  so 
much,   as  our   tampering  with  the  fatal   disease. 
1  fear  much  that  timid  or  lukewarm  counsels  will 
be   considered   by   our  congress   as    prudent    and 
politic.       Such    counsels   will    inevitably    enslave 
us  • — We  subjugated 5 — how  rapid  and  certain  the 
fall  of  the  rest.     Excuse  my  freedom   of  telling 
what  I  dread,  though  seeming  to  differ  from  those 
I    honor  and  revere.      We  are  at    this  time  calm 
and  temperate  ;   and,  partiality  to  my  countrymen 
aside,  I  question  whether  any  ancient  or  modern 
state   can    give   an    instance    of  a    whole   people 
suffering  so  severely,  with  such  dignity,  fortitude, 
and  true  spirit.     Our  very  enemies  are  dismayed, 
and  though  they  affect  to  sneer  at  our  enthusiasm, 
yet  they  so  far  catch  the  noble  infirmity,   as  to 
give  an  involuntary  applause. 

"  I  see  no  reason  to  apprehend  our  advancing 
before  our  brethren,  unless  the  plans  they  should 
adopt  should  very  evidently  be  too  languid  and 


173 

spiritless  to  give  any  rational  hopes  of  safety  to  us 
in  our  adherence  to  them.  Sobrius  esto  is  our 
present  motto.  At  the  urgent  solicitation  of  a 
great  number  of  warm  friends  to  my  country  and 
myself,  I  have  agreed  to  relinquish  business,  and 
embark  for  London,  and  shall  sail  in  eighteen 
days  certainly.  I  am  flattered  by  those  who 
perhaps  place  too  great  confidence  in  me,  that  I 
may  do  some  good  the  ensuing  winter,  at  the 
court  of  Great  Britain.  Hence  I  have  taken  this 
unexpected  resolution.  My  design  is  to  be  kept 
as  long  secret  as  possible, — I  hope  till  I  get  to 
Europe.  Should  it  transpire  that  I  was  going 
home,  our  public  enemies  here  would  be  as  inde 
fatigable  and  persevering  to  my  injury,  as  they 
have  been  to  the  cause  in  which  I  am  engaged, 
heart  and  hand ;  perhaps  more  so,  as  personal 
pique  would  be  added  to  public  malevolence. 

"I  would  solicit,  earnestly,  intelligence  from 
you,  sir,  while  in  London.  I  shall  endeavour  to 
procure  the  earliest  information  from  all  parts  of 
the  continent.  As  I  propose  dedicating  myself 
wholly  to  the  service  of  my  country,  I  shall  stand 
in  need  of  the  aid  of  every  friend  of  America ; 
and  believe  me,  when  I  say,  that  I  esteem  none 
more  capable  of  affording  me  that  aid,  than  those 
who  inhabit  the  fertile  banks  of  the  Delaware. 


174 

"  If  you  can  lead  me  into  any  channel  of  do 
ing  real  service  to  the  common  cause,  I  flatter 
myself  you  are  not  disinclined,,  and  though  it 
should  never  be  in  my  power  to  cancel  the  obliga 
tion,  it  will  ever  be  my  study  to  remember  it. 
"  I  am  your  most  humble, 

"  obedient  servant, 

"  JOSIAH    QUINCY  JUN." 


TO    .1  OS  I  AH    QUINCY    JUN. 

"  Charleston,  July  12,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  I  this  day  received  your  polite  favour  of 
the  29th  of  May,  and  can  only  say  I  wish  it  had 
been  in  my  power  to  show  more  civility  to  a  gen 
tleman  I  so  much  esteem  as  I  do  Mr  Quincy. 
You  have  my  best  thanks  for  your  pamphlet.  Too 
many  cannot  step  forth  at  this  alarming  crisis,  in 
defence  of  the  much  injured  rights  of  America  ; 
and  those  that  do,  should,  and  no  doubt  have,  the 
united  thanks  of  the  friends  of  America.  • 

"  Your  situation  at  this  time  is  truly  hazardous 
and  alarming,  but  you  will  not  fall  for  want  of 
friends,  because  all  British  America  are  vour 


175 

friends.  For  God's  sake  be  firm  and  discreet, 
at  this  time.  The  good  people  of  this  colony 
have  sent  for  your  port  one  sloop -load  of  rice, 
and  we  shall  send  more  soon, 

"  The  6th,  7th,  and  8th  instant,  we  had  the 
greatest  assembly  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony 
I  ever  saw.  After  much  debate  it  was  determin 
ed,  that  Henry  Middleton,  John  Rutledge,  Thomas 
Lynch,  Christopher  Gadsden,  and  Edward  Rut- 
ledge,  should,  on  the  1st  of  September,  meet  the 
General  Congress  at  Philadelphia.  Their  powers 
are  unlimited,  and  I  hope  the  other  colonies  will 
do  the  same,  and  place  entire  confidence  in  their 
deputies  ; — they  can  do  nothing  effectual  without 
such  powers.  I  should  suppose  the  first  step 
taken  by  Congress  would  be  to  remonstrate,  and 
petition  King,  Lords,  and  Commons.  Our  griev 
ances  should  be  all  stated  in  the  way  of  a  Bill  of 
Rights,  and  some  of  the  deputies  should  go  to 
England  with  the  petition.  If  redress  does  not 
come,  then  all  to  enter  into  a  non-import  and  non- 
export  agreement.  I  think  this  seems  to  be  the 
sense  of  almost  all  the  colonies.  *  *  *  *  * 
Our  fears  are  only  about  you,  that  you  may 
despond  and  give  up  ;  for  I  am  sorry  to  see  you 
have  so  many  adders  in  your  own  bosom,  who 


176 

may  sting  you  to  death.  We  have  our  share  also 
of  internal  foes.  Pity  it  was  that  Hutchinson 
should  have  gone  home  with  so  many  names  to 
petitions ;  it  will  do  you  no  good,  but  much  harm, 
I  fear  *#•***••**•*•  **** 

"  I  beg  to  hear  as  often  from  you  as  business 
permits.  It  is  not  trifling  to  write  or  speak  upon 
public  affairs  at  this  time  of  imminent  danger. 
Politics  should  be  the  theme  of  the  day  ;  and  our 
dreams  at  night  should  be  of  the  hapless  situation 
of  our  country.  However,  bad  as  it  is,  if  Boston 
does  but  persevere,  and  be  prudent,  her  sisters 
and  neighbours  will  work  out  her  salvation,  with 
out  taking  the  musket.  Unanimity  must  be  our 
leading  star. 

"  1  am,  with  great  regard, 
"  Your  most  obedient  and  obliged  servant, 
"  MILES  BREWTON." 


It  will  be  seen  by  Mr  Quincy's  letter  to  Mi- 
Dickinson,  that  in  August  1774,  at  the  urgent 
solicitation  of  his  political  friends,  he  had  deter 
mined  to  relinquish  business  and  embark  for  Eng 
land.  The  circumstances  of  the  times,  and  the 
singular  boldness  of  his  political  course,  rendered 
it  necessary  that  his  intention  should  be  kept 


177 


secret,  lest  the  enemies  of  the  patriotic  cause 
should  take  measures  to  counteract  the  effect  of 
his  presence  and  representations  in  England.  It 
was  accordingly  concealed  from  all  but  his  near 
est  relations,  and  those  political  friends,  who  had 
proposed  the  measure. 

The  ensuing  letters,  from  three  of  the  most 
distinguished  patriots  of  that  period,  will  show 
the  concurrence  of  their  opinions  upon  the  subject 
of  his  voyage,  and  in  favour  of  its  probable  utility. 


TO   DR  AMORY,    IN   LONDON. 

"  Boston,  September  13,  1774. 
"  Rev.  Sir, 

"  The  bearer  of  this,  Mr  Josiah  Quincy,  is  a 
gentleman  of  good  powers,  a  fine  genius,  and 
thorough  acquaintance  with  the  constitution  of 
the  American  colonies  ;  nor  has  any  one  a  more 
perfect  knowledge  of  what  has  happened  in  this 
part  of  the  world,  both  previous  to,  and  in  conse 
quence  of  the  late  acts  of  the  British  Parliament: 
respecting  Boston,  and  the  Massachusetts  prov 
ince,  of  which  it  is  the  metropolis.  You  may 
from  him,  if  you  desire  it,  be  let  into  a  clear  and 
23 


178 


full  idea  of  the  true  situation  of  our  political 
affairs.  He  goes  to  England,  strongly  disposed 
to  serve  his  country  wherein  he  may  be  able,  and 
he  will  be  the  better  able  to  do  this,  if  he  may,  by 
the  help  of  gentlemen  of  character  at  home,  have 
opportunity  of  conversing  with  those,  either  in  or 
out  of  administration,  who  may  have  been  led 
into  wrong  sentiments  of  the  people  of  Boston 
and  the  Massachusetts  province  in  these  trouble 
some  times. 

"  The  favour  I  would   ask  of  you  is  only  this, 
that  you  would  take  so  much  notice  of  him,  as  to 
introduce  him  either  yourself,  or  by  one  or  anoth 
er  of  your  friends,  into  the  company  of  those  who 
may  have  it  in  their  power  to   be  serviceable   to 
the  colonies  in  general,  and  this  province  in  par 
ticular,  which  is  the  first  in  the  intention  of  the 
administration  to  be  reduced  to  a  state  of  slavery. 
"  We  groan  under  the   oppressive  burdens  that 
lie  heavy  on  us.     I  could  easily  enlarge  on  them, 
and  the  expedients  in  contemplation  in  order  to 
a  deliverance  from  them, — but   I  purposely  avoid 
it,  as  you  may  have  it  done  much  better  viva  voce 
by  Mr  Quincy. 

"  Be  pleased  to  accept  the  enclosed  pamphlets  ; 
one  of  which  was  written  by  Mr   Quincy,  and 


179 

will  give  you  an  idea  of  him  as  a  truly   sensible 
man,  as  well  as  a  fast  friend  to  the  cause  of  liberty. 
"  I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  assured  friend, 

"  CHARLES  CHAUNCY." 


TO   JOSIAH   QUINCY  JUN. 

"Philadelphia,  Sept.  18,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  I  am  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
kind  letter,  and  to  thank  you  for  it,  and  then  seal 
my  letter. 

"  Business,  ceremony,  visits,  and  a  thousand 
et-ceteras,  take  up  my  time  so  entirely  that  I  can 
scarce  find  half  enough  for  sleep.  I  have  spoken 
to  several  gentlemen  concerning  you,  and  shall  to 
more. 

"  I  wish  you  a  prosperous  voyage,  and  much 
of  the  exalted  pleasure  of  serving  your  country. 
You  are  surrounded  with  active  scenes  in  our 
province  at  present.  We  are  not  idle  here  ;  but 
how  loner  it  will  be  before  the  world  will  know 

o 

our  meditations,  I  cannot  say. 

"  Our  country  is  in  the  post  of  honour  and 
danger,  and  she  behaves  in  character.  The  con* 


180 

grcss   is  sensible  of  it,  and  will  act  in   character 
too,  I  hope  and  believe. 

"  Adieu. 

"  JOHN  ADAMS. " 


TO    DR    CHARLES    CHAUNCY. 

"  Philadelphia,  Sept.  19,  1774. 
"  Rev.   Sir, 

"  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  a  let 
ter  from  you  since  my  arrival  in  this  city.  Our 
friend,  Mr  Quincy,  informed  me  before  I  left  Bos 
ton,  of  his  intention  to  take  a  passage  for  Eng 
land.  I  am  persuaded  he  may  do  great  service  to 
our  country  there.  Agreeably  to  his  and  your 
requests  I  have  desired  gentlemen  here,  to  make 
him  known  to  their  friends  and  correspondents. 
"  Last  Friday,  Mr  Revere,  brought  us  the 
spirited  and  patriotic  resolves  of  our  county  of 
Suffolk.  We  laid  them  before  the  congress. 
They  were  read  with  great  applause,  and  the  en 
closed  resolutions  were  unanimously  passed,  which 
give  you  a  faint  idea  of  the  spirit  of  the  congress. 
I  think  I  may  assure  you,  that  America  will  make 
a  point  of  supporting  Boston  to  the  utmost.  I 


181 

have  not  time  to  enlarge,  and  must  therefore  con 
clude  with  assuring  you,  that 
"  I  am,  with  great  regard, 

"  Your  affectionate  and  humble  servant, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 


Mr  Quincy  embarked  privately  at  Salem  on 
the  28th  of  September,  1774.  The  motives  of 
this  voyage,  and  the  sensation  occasioned  by  his 
sudden  and  secret  departure,  when  it  was  public 
ly  avowed,  may  be  farther  gathered  from  the  fol 
lowing  letters,  which  are  published  in  the  order 
of  their  dates,  that  his  English  journal  and  letters 
may  be  afterwards  presented  in  an  unbroken 
series.  They  all  eminently  characterize  the 
state  and  spirit  of  the  times,  and  the  patriotic  ar 
dour  of  the  respective  writers. 

The  letter  from  Dr  (afterwards  Major  General) 
Joseph  Warren,  is  peculiarly  interesting,  because 
few  similar  records  of  his  mind  remain,  and  as  it 
evidences,  that  the  life  he  sacrificed  on  Bunker's 
Hill  was  offered,  not  under  the  excitement  of  the 
moment,  but  with  a  fixed  and  deliberate  purpose. 
No  language  can  be  more  decisive  of  the  spirit, 
which  predominated  in  his  bosom.  "It  is  the 


182 


united  voice  of  America  to  preserve  their  freedom 
or  lose  their  lives  in  defence  of  it." 


TO  JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN. 

"  Braintree,  October,  1774. 
"  My  dear  Son, 

"  It  is  now  four  weeks  since  you  sailed,  and 
if  my  prayers  are  heard  and  the  petition  of  them 
granted,  your  health  is  restored,  your  voyage  com 
fortable,  and  your  arrival  safe.  News,  that  would 
be  almost  as  joyful  and  reviving  to  your  aged 
father,  as  to  hear  that,  through  your  mediation, 
peace  and  harmony  were  restored  between  the 
parent  state  and  her  injured  and  oppressed  chil 
dren  upon  this  continent.  I  have  not,  nor 
shall  forget  to  inform  you  of  facts  as  they  have 
taken,  or  may  take  place,  since  you  left  us ;  but 
my  retired  situation  will  not  permit  my  gratifying 
you  so  much  as  I  should  otherwise  be  glad  to  do. 
"  All  the  tories  and  some  of  the  whigs,  resent 
your  clandestine  departure.  Many  of  the  former 
say,  that  as  soon  as  your  arrival  is  known,  you 
will  be  apprehended  and  secured.  Some  say  you 
are  gone  to  Holland,  and  from  thence  to  the  south 
of  France.  Others  say,  the  general  congress 
have  appointed  and  commissioned  you  their  agent 


183 

at  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  and  that  you  had 
your  credentials  and  instructions  from  them,  before 
you  went  away.  Your  friends  say,  your  princi 
pal  motive  is  the  recovery  of  your  health,  which 
if  Providence  should  please  to  restore,  they  rest 
assured  of  your  best  endeavours  to  procure  a 
redress  of  the  grievances,  and  a  speedy  removal 
of  the  intolerable  burdens,  with  which  your  native 
country  is  and  has  been  long  oppressed. 

"  God  Almighty  grant,  if  your  life  and  health 
are  spared,  that  you  may  succeed  in  every  respect. 

"  When  in  town  I  found  two  political  produc 
tions, — *  An  Essay  on  the  Constitutional  Power 
of  Great  Britain  over  the  Colonies  in  America ;' 
— and  c  A  Letter  from  Lord  Lyttleton  to  Lord 
Chatham,  on  the  Quebec  Bill.'  They  are  each 
of  them  esteemed  masterly  productions  by  their 
respective  partizans.  Before  this  reaches  you,  I 
doubt  not  you  will  have  received  the  former  from 
its  author.  I  regret  his  allowing  Great  Britain  a 
revenue  from  the  colonies,  whilst  she  persists  in 
her  claim  of  an  exclusive  trade  with  them,  which 
appears  to  me  to  be  an  overbalance  for  all  the 
protection  she  has,  or  can  afford  them,  especially 
when  it  is  considered  that  all  the  profits  resulting 
from  the  immense  extent  of  territory  ceded  to 


184 

her  at  the  treaty  of  Paris,  remains  solely  to  her. 
At  the  same  time,  we  are  restrained  from  the 
profitable  whale  and  cod  fisheries  in  the  bay  of 
St  Lawrence,  and  the  straits  of  Belle  Isle,  which 
we  formerly  enjoyed  without  interruption.  If  I 
am  not  greatly  mistaken,  there  is  not  a  single 
argument  in  Lord  Lyttleton's  letter,  whereby  he 
endeavours  to  prove  the  justice,  wdsdom,  benevo 
lence,  and  policy  of  Parliament  in  indulging  the 
Canadians  with  the  French  laws,  which  will  not 
much  more  forcibly  conclude  in  behalf  of  the 
colonies,  that  their  respective  constitutions  and 
laws  should  remain  inviolate,  and  the  rights  and 
privileges  secured  by  them,  upon  no  pretence 
whatever  to  be  abridged.  Where  then  is  the  wis 
dom,  benevolence,  and  justice  of  Parliament  ? 
What  besides  low  cunning  and  left-handed  poli 
cy,  could  induce  them  to  their  past  and  present 
violent  measures,  which  must  ultimately  be  as 
injurious  to  them  as  they  are,  or  can  be,  to  us. 
But  his  lordship  in  the  close  of  his  letter  tells  us, 
'  It  is  necessary  to  conciliate  the  affections  of  the 
Canadians,  and  thereby  induce  them  to  assist 
administration  in  coercing  America  ! '  Read  this 
passage,  attend  to  the  meaning  of  it,  and  then,  if 
you  can,  suppress  your  indignation.  What !  have 


185 

we  Americans  spent  so  much  of  our  blood  and 
treasure  in  aiding  Britain  to  conquer  Canada, 
that  Britons  and  Canadians  may  now  subjugate 
us  ?  Forbid  it,  Heaven  ! 

"  Is  this  the  '  policy,'  which  he  recommends  as 
'  best  calculated  to  unite  natural-born,  and  adopt 
ed  subjects,  in  one  common  bond  of  interest, 
affection,  and  duty  ?'  But  I  must  quit  the  sub- 
iect  *  •*#  #**••&  •&#•  •**•& 

"  I  have  filled  my  paper,  and  have  only  room 
to  add  the  affectionate  regards  of  your  family, 
joined  to  those  of 

"  Your  unalterably  fond  parent, 

"JOSIAH  QUINCY." 


TO  J.   QUINCY  JUN. 

"  Boston,  October  28,  1774. 
"  My  dear  Sir, 

"  You  will  see  by  the  papers  that  immediate 
ly  after  you  sailed,  a  proclamation  was  issued, 
to  discharge  the  members  from  attendance  upon 
that  general  court,  for  which  precepts,  you  know, 
had  been  given  out.  They  judiciously  slighted 
this,  sticking  to  charter-rule  ;  and  upon  finding 
24 


186 

Mr  Gage  did  not  attend  to  his  proper  duty,  they 
resolved  themselves  into  a  provincial  congress,  to 
meet  at  Concord  tomorrow.  They  will  be  stren 
uous,  I  expect,  in  pressing  the  General  to  desist 
from  his  fortifications.  Yet  what  can  he  do  ? 
He  cannot  declare  in  plain  English,  that  he  is  on 
ly  striving  to  make  the  minds  of  his  officers  and 
men  easy  ;  and  yet  I  believe  that  to  be  the  truth, 
and  the  whole  truth. 

"  I  told  you  at  parting,  that  if  I  was  deceived 
in  my  countrymen,  and  found  they  turned  out 
poltrons,  I  would  not  inform  you  of  it,  though 
such  was  your  request.  Let  not  that  speech  de 
tract  from  my  credit,  when  I  tell  you  they  rise 
every  day  in  character.  It  is  become  a  down 
right  task  for  the  warmest  patriots  of  our  town 
and  county,  to  confine  the  spirit  of  the  other 
counties  to  an  attention  to  the  causes,  rather  than 
to  the  executors,  of  our  wrongs.  I  am  really 
pained  at  finding  that  the  wickedness  of  minis 
terial  conduct  has  brought  the  province  so  gen 
erally  to  make  the  idea  of  an  engagement  between 
fellow  subjects  so  familiar  to  their  minds.  How 
would  such  a  thought  have  shocked  us  all,  a  few 
years  ago  !  But  the  insolent  appearance  of  the 
works  on  the  neck  has  roused  the  inclinations  of 


187 

the  vigorous  country  youth  to  play  over  again 
the  Niagara  game  of  filling  trenches  with  round 
bundles  of  hay,  under  which  they  advanced  se 
curely.  The  folly  and  weakness  of  the  works 
may  easily  be  proved  to  be  fully  equal  to  the  in 
solence.  Our  besiegers,  sensible  how  much  na 
ture  is  against  them,  talk  of  employing  constant 
ly  great  numbers  of  their  soldiery  to  break  the 
ice  of  the  two  bays,  little  knowing,  however, 
what  mighty  reparation  will  be  made  in  only  one 
of  our  freezing  nights  ;  and  little  considering  also, 
the  non- importance  of  its  being  broken  in  bays, 
which  are  a  dead  flat  upon  every  ebb.  I  wish 
again  and  again,  that  the  temptations  to  chastise 
the  insult  were  not  so  glaring  ;  as  the  provincial 
congress,  with  all  their  efforts  to  confine  the  in 
land  spirits  solely  to  the  defensive,  will  surely 
fail  upon  notice  of  ministerial  determination  to 
continue  hostile.  Nothing,  I  think,  but  a  speedy 
knowledge  of  a  change  of  measures  in  England, 
can  prevent  a  capital  winter  stroke.  They  press 
us  to  leave  the  town  in  the  strongest  manner. 
Many  are  for  doing  it,  and  others  for  sending  off 
their  most  valuable  articles,  to  be  in  readiness. 
Our  friend,  Molineux,  overplicd  in  the  good 
cause,  was  last  evening  laid  to  rest,  where  the 


188 

incomparable  May  hew,  and  the  brother  patriots, 
Dana  and  Thatcher,  await  the  morning  of  a  glo 
rious  resurrection  !  and  where  you  and  I  had 
nearly  gone  to  rest  before  him.  May  it  not  prove 
unimportant  to  ourselves,  and  to  the  public,  that  a 
gracious  Providence  has  been  pleased  to  mark 
down  for  us  some  later  date. 

"  I  am  informed  that  a  letter  was  yesterday  read 
in  provincial  congress  from  Mr  S.  Adams,  pur 
porting  that  things  went  in  the  continental  con 
gress,  without  any  motion  of  our  members,  as 
perfectly  to  his  liking,  as  if  he  were  sole  director, 
and  that  in  a  very  few  days  he  doubted  not  his 
friends  here  would  receive  the  most  satisfactory 
intelligence.  Though  the  '  Kingfisher '  has  orders  to 
sail,  yet,  the  weather  being  bad,  I  had  thoughts  of 
risking  the  chance,  that  I  may  gain  some  further 
light  concerning  this  matter,  but  finding  a  general 
suspicion  of  the  insecurity  of  conveyance  by  a 
king's  ship,  I  am  led  to  think  most  of  your  friends 
will  wait  other  opportunity.  I  therefore  close  for 
the  present,  that  you  may  not  think  yourself  neg 
lected,  in  consequence  of  what,  I  think,  an  ill 
grounded  suspicion.  We  have  London  news  so 
late  as  Sept.  2d.  If  the  people  of  England,  our 
fellow  subjects,  will  cease  obstinately  to  shut  their 


189 

eyes  to  the  justice  of  our  cause,  we  ask  no  more. 
Conviction  must  be  the  consequence  of  a  bare 
admission  of  the  light.  God  preserve  you,  my 
friend. 

"  I  remain  your  friend, 

"  and  obliged,  humble  servant, 

"JAMES  LOVELL." 


JOSEPH  REED  ESQ.   TO  JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN. 

"  Philadelphia,  October  25,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  I  hope  this  will  find  you  safely  arrived  in 
Great  Britain,  a  country,  wherein  I  have  spent 
many  happy  hours,  before  she  began  to  play  the 
tyrant  over  America.  The  cloud  which  hung 
over  the  colonies,  at  the  time  of  your  departure, 
begins  to  disperse.  Instead  of  divided  counsels, 
and  feeble  measures,  which  at  one  time  there 
was  too  much  reason  to  apprehend,  all  now  is 
union  and  firmness,  and,  I  trust,  we  shall  exhibit 
such  a  proof  of  public  virtue  and  enlightened 
zeal,  in  the  most  glorious  of  all  causes,  as  will 
hand  down  the  present  age,  with  the  most  illus 
trious  characters  of  antiquity.  I  have  with  great 


190 

difficulty  procured  you  the  proceedings  of  the  gen 
eral  congress,  which  is  now  rising,  but  your  dele 
gates,  from  whom  I  received  it,  beg  you  will  not 
make  any  public  use  of  it,  as  the  copy  is  incor 
rect.  Your  friend,  Mr  John  Adams,  has  written 
something  to  this  effect,  in  the  first  page.  As 
the  proceedings  of  this  great  assembly  are  so  im 
portant  and  interesting,  I  could  not  think  of  this 
vessel's  going,  without  carrying  them  to  you. 
Another  ship  will  sail  in  a  few  days,  by  which  I 
shall  send  you  what  remains,  being  the  list  of 
grievances,  and  claim  of  rights.  The  congress 
would  not  adjourn,  but  have  recommended  an 
other  to  be  held,  the  tenth  of  May,  at  this  place. 
They  part  with  each  other  on  terms  of  the  utmost 
friendship  :  it  will  have  the  most  happy  effect  in 
cementing  the  union  of  the  colonies,  not  only  by 
the  ties  of  public  interest,  but  of  private  friendship. 
This  ship  will  carry  you  the  account  of  the 
destruction  by  fire,  of  both  ship  and  cargo,  which 
arrived  at  Annapolis.  The  owners  of  both,  to 
avoid  a  more  dreadful  punishment  for  their  pre 
sumption  and  folly,  offered  to  set  fire  with  their 
own  hands,  which  they  did.  These  proofs  of  the 
spirit  of  the  people  will,  I  trust,  be  of  some  ser 
vice  to  Boston.  The  people  of  England  must  see 


191 

that  opposition  to  parliamentary  tyranny,  is  not 
local  or  partial.  It  will  also  have  a  happy  effect 
on  the  non-importation  agreement  resolved  by  the 
congress,  as  the  owners  of  ships  will  not  choose 
to  hazard  them  with  forbidden  wares. 

I  congratulate  you,  my  dear  sir,  upon  the  ris 
ing  glory  of  America  :  our  operations  have  been 
almost  too  slow  for  the  accumulated  sufferings  of 
Boston,  but  I  trust  they  will  prove  effectual  for 
their  relief.  Should  this  bloodless  war  fail  of  its 
effect,  an  infinite  majority  of  all  the  colonies  will 
make  the  last  appeal,  before  they  resign  their  lib 
erties  into  the  hands  of  any  ministerial  tyrant. 

I  shall  be  always  happy  in  hearing  from  you, 
by  every  opportunity  ;  and  you  may  rely  on  my 
sending  you  a  faithful  and  speedy  account  of  ev 
ery  transaction  here.  I  have  written  to  an  old 
correspondent  of  mine,  Mr  Hugh  Baillie,  a  true 
friend  to  liberty,  and  the  cause  of  America,  that  if 
he  will  call  and  see  you,  you  will  show  him  the 
proceedings  of  the  congress,  which  I  failed  in 
procuring  for  him.  I  salute  you  with  much 
esteem,  and  wishing  you  health  and  happiness, 

"  I  am,  dear  Sir, 
"  Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 


192 

"  P.  S.  I  only  put  the  initials  of  my  name,  as 
I  believe  you  remember  the  handwriting  ;  if  not, 
you  will  recollect  to  whom  you  wrote  in  this 
place,  just  before  you  embarked. 

"  October  27,  1774. 

"  When  I  wrote  you  yesterday,  the  captain  of 
the  vessel,  which  carries  this,  had  resolved  to  sail 
immediately,  but  having  been  induced  to  wait,  in 
order  to  carry  the  address  of  the  congress  to  the 
king,  gives  me  an  opportunity  of  sending  you 
the  addition,  which  we  have  since  had  from  the 
press,  of  their  proceedings. 

I  congratulate  you,  my  dear  sir,  on  the  spirit, 
and  firmness,  and  unanimity  of  this  great  assem 
bly,  the  most  respectable  ever  known  in  this 
country,  and  am,  with  real  regard, 

"  Your  affectionate,  humble  servant. 

«J.  R." 


TO  JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN. 

"  Fairhill,  October  28,  1774. 
"  My  dear  Sir, 

I  should  have  answered  your  last  letter  before 
you  left  Boston,  if  I  had  not  imagined  from  what 


193 

you  said  in  it,  that   you    must  have  sailed,  before 
it  could  have  reached  that  place. 

"  I  now  congratulate  you  on  the  hearty  union 
of  all  America,  from  Nova  Scotia,  to  Georgia,  in 
the  common  cause.  The  particulars,  you  are  no 
doubt  acquainted  with.  The  congress  broke  up, 
the  day  before  yesterday  ;  and  if  it  be  possible, 
the  return  of  the  members  into  the  several  colonies 
will  make  the  people  still  more  firm.  The  most 
peaceable  provinces,  are  now  animated ;  and  a 
civil  war  is  unavoidable,  unless  there  be  a  quick 
change  of  British  measures.  The  usual  events, 
no  question,  will  take  place,  if  that  happens  ; — 
victories  and  defeats.  But  what  will  be  the  final 
consequence  ?  If  she  fails,  immediate  distress,  if 
not  ruin.  If  she  conquers,  destruction  at  last. 
But  from  the  best  judgment  I  can  form,  she  will 
not  wait  long  for  her  fate.  Several  European 
powers,  it  is  probable,  will  fall  on,  as  soon  as  she 
is  entangled  with  us.  If  they  should  not,  what 
can  she  effect,  at  three  thousand  miles'  distance, 
against  at  least  four  hundred  thousand  Freemen 
fighting  <  pro  aris  et  focis  ? ' 

"  I  cannot  but   pity  a   brave  and   generous  na 
tion,  thus   plunged  in  misfortune  by  a  few  worth 
less  persons.     But  it  may   be  said,  how  can  she 
25 


194 

retract  with  dignity  in  the  present  position  of 
affairs  ?  I  answer,  her  dignity  is  not  at  all  con 
cerned,  unless  it  be  to  punish  those,  who  have 
abused  and  betrayed  her  into  measures  inconsistent 
with  her  welfare,  i  s  a  nation  bound  in  honour  to 
support  every  mad,  or  villanous,  step  of  a  minis 
try  ?  It  is  mean  to  persist  in  errors  because  we 
have  committed  them  :  but  what  is  to  be  said  of 
those,  who  talk  of  asserting  their  own  dignity,  by 
vindicating  the  errors  of  others  ? 

The  present  cause  is  that  of  Bute,  Mansfield, 
North,  Bernard,  Hutchinson,  &c.,  not  of  Great 
Britain.  Let  her  renounce  their  detestable  pro 
jects,  which  point  at  her,  as  their  ultimate  object ; 
and  reconcile  herself  to  her  children,  while  their 
minds  are  capable  of  reconciliation. 

"  '  Oh  !  for  a  warning  voice,'  to  rouse  them  to 
conviction  of  this  important  truth,  that  the  recon 
ciliation  depends  upon  the  passing  moment,  and 
that  the  opportunity  will,  in  a  short  time,  be  irre 
coverably  past,  as  the  days  beyond  the  flood. 

Every  thing  may  yet  be  attributed  to  the  mis 
representations  and  mistakes  of  ministers,  and 
universal  peace  be  established  throughout  the 
British  world,  only  by  a  general  acknowledg 
ment  of  this  truth,  that  half  a  dozen  men  are 


195 

fools,  or  knaves.  If  their  character  for  ability  and 
integrity  is  to  be  maintained  by  wrecking  the 
whole  empire,  Monsieur  Voltaire  may  write  an 
addition  to  the  chapter  on  the  subject  of  '  little 
things  producing  great  events.' 

"  As  to  your  complaint  against  an  expression  of 
mine  in  a  late  letter,  know,  dear  sir,  I  wrote  in 
agonies  of  mind  for  my  brethren  in  Boston.  I 
trembled  lest  something  might  have  happened 
which  I  could  not  only  forgive,  but  applaud,  but 
which  might  have  been  eagerly  and  basely  seized 
by  others,  as  a  pretence  for  deserting  them.  This 
was  the  sense  of  men  in  Philadelphia,  the  most 
devoted  to  them,  and  under  this  apprehension  we 
agreed  to  make  use  of  the  strongest  expressions. 

"  May  the  Father  of  mercies  bestow  every  bless 
ing  upon  you,  is  the  fervent  prayer,  of 
"  My  dear  Sir, 

"  Your  faithful  and  affectionate  friend, 
"  TOHN  DICKINSON." 


196 

TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY    JUN. 

"  Boston,  November  3,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  The  enclosed  letter  I  wrote  with  a  view  to 
its  going  by  the  first  vessel  that  went  from  us 
since  you  embarked  for  London,  but  the  vessel 
unhappily  sailed  before  it  got  to  Marblehead. 
The  special  reason  of  my  writing  was,  that  you 
might  see  a  few  resolves  of  our  continental  con 
gress  ;  as  I  supposed  this  would  give  you  the 
first  sight  of  them. 

"  The  fortifications  at  the  neck  are  nearly 
finished ;  the  troops  sent  for  from  Philadelphia, 
New  York,  and  Canada,  are  mostly,  if  riot  wholly, 
arrived.  The  grand  congress,  it  is  supposed,  are 
broke  up  either  by  dissolution  or  adjournment. 
Our  delegates  are  expected  in  town  next  week. 
Our  provincial  congress  is  likewise  adjourned,  to 
the  thirteenth  of  this  month, — November.  You 
will  see  what  has  been  done  by  both  the  con 
gresses,  so  far  as  what  they  have  done  is  known 
by  'the  newspapers.  Poor  Molineux  is  dead,  and 
died  suddenly.  Our  sufferings  in  the  town  in 
crease  as  the  winter  comes  on  ;  and  our  situa 
tion  becomes  more  distressingly  difficult,  as  we 
are  guarded,  both  by  sea  and  land,  that  we  may 


197 

be  restrained  from  going  out  of  town  and  may 
lie  at  the  mercy  of  those,  who  are  sent  on  pur 
pose  to  distress  us. 

"  Would  our  circumstances  permit  it,  the  town 
would  be  immediately  evacuated  of  its  proper  in 
habitants,   and   this   will   certainly    be   the    case, 
should  administration  determine  to  proceed  in   an 
hostile  manner  against  us.      It  may  be   depended 
upon,  that  the   colonies   are  marvellously   united, 
and  determined  to  act  as  one   in   the   defence   of 
this  town   and  province,  which    they   esteem   the 
same  thing  with  defending  themselves.     We   are 
impatient  to  hear  what  is  likely  to  be   the  resolu 
tion  of  administration  ;    upon  their   knowing,    as 
they  do  by  this  time,  the  union  of  the  colonies  in 
their  resolution  to  defend  their  rights  and  liberties 
even  to  the  utmost.     The  spirit  in   the  colonies, 
especially  the  four  New  England  ones,  instead  of 
being  lowered  since  you  went  from  us,   is   raised 
to  a  still  greater  height ;  insomuch  that  there  may 
be  danger  of  rashness   and  precipitancy  in   their 
conduct.     I  hope  all  prudent  care  will   be  taken 
to  govern  its  operations  by  the  rules  of  wisdom. 
It  is  the  wish  of  every  sober,  understanding  man 
amongst  us,  that   harmony,  love,   and  peace  may 
be  restored  between  Great  Britain,  and  the  colo- 


198 

nies.  They  dread  nothing  more,  slavery  only 
except  ed,  than  a  bloody  conflict  for  the  security 
of  their  liberties  ;  and  yet  this,  so  far  as  I  am 
able  to  judge,  they  will  readily  and  universally  go 
into,  rather  than  submit  to  such  cruelly  hard 
and  tyrannical  measures  as  are  imposed  on  them. 
I  hope  you  are  by  this  time  in  London.  The 
weather  has  been  uncommonly  clear  and  mild, 
since  your  departure. 

"  Wishing  you  prosperity  in  all  your  affairs, 
especially  in  your  endeavours  to  serve  your 
country, 

"  I  am  your  assured  friend, 

"  and  humble  servant, 

"  CHARLES  CHAUNCY." 


JOSEPH  REED  ESQ.   TO  JOSIAH  QUIISCY  JUN. 

"  Philadephia,  Nov.  6,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  I  wrote  you  the  latter  end  of  last  month, 
expecting  it  would  be  the  first  advice  you  would 
receive  of  the  proceedings  of  the  American  con 
gress  ;  but  by  a  delay  of  the  vessel,  and  her  being 
obliged  to  put  into  New  York  in  distress,  it  is 


199 

probable  that  my  well  intended  efforts  will  fail. 
The  congress  broke  up  soon  after,  arid  your  Bos 
ton  brethren  returned  in  high  spirits  at  the  happy 
and  harmonious  issue  of  this  important  business. 
Since  that  time,  there  has  been  a  stagnation  of 
public  intelligence  and  advices. 

"  On  Saturday  next,  agreeably  to  the  directions 
of  the  congress,  a  great  committee  is  to  be  chosen 
in  this  city  to  carry  the  association  of  the  congress, 
into  execution.  The  Quakers,  who  you  know 
form  a  considerable  part  of  this  city,  act  their 
usual  part.  They  have  directed  their  members 
not  to  serve  on  the  committee,  and  mean  to  con 
tinue  the  same  undecisive,  neutral  conduct,  until 
they  see  how  the  scale  is  like  to  preponderate  ; 
then  I  doubt  not  they  will  contribute  to  the  relief 
of  Boston,  and  appear  forward  in  their  cause. 
But  American  liberty,  mean  time,  must  take  her 
chance  for  them.  However,  there  is  no  danger 
of  the  enemy  being  let  in  through  this  city  ; — 
there  is  a  band  of  staunch,  chosen  sons  of  liberty 
among  some  of  our  best  families,  who  are  backed 
by  the  body  of  the  people  in  such  a  manner,  that 
no  discontented  spirit  dares  oppose  the  measures 
necessary  for  the  public  safety.  I  am  more 
afraid  of  New  York, — there  has  been  a  strange 


200 

delinquency  and  backwardness  during  the  whole 
summer.  If  you  have  any  correspondence  there, 
I  wish  you  would  endeavour  to  animate  them. 
While  they  are  attending  to  the  little  paltry  dis 
putes,  which  their  own  parties  have  produced,  the 
great  cause  is  suffering  in  their  hands. 

"  There  is  too  much  reason  to  fear  the  power 
ful  rhetoric  of  corruption,  in  which  the  present 
administration  is  too  well  versed,  has  not  been 
used  in  vain.  Their  public  papers  are  the  vilest 
collection  of  invectives  upon  the  cause,  and  every 
private  character  that  appears  in  support  of  it, 
and  are  so  replete  with  falsehoods,  invented  to 
mislead,  and  deceive,  that  we  have  little  doubt 
they  are  bought  by  some  agent  of  administration, 
and  applied  to  promote  their  infamous  purposes. 
You  must  therefore  hear  and  read  from  these, 
with  some  caution.  You  see  by  the  example  I 
set  you  of  writing  by  every  vessel,  that  you 
cannot  oblige  me  more  than  by  letting  me  hear 
often  from  you.  I  heartily  wish  you  health,  and 
as  much  happiness  as  the  situation  of  your  suffer 
ing  country  will  allow  you  to  take,  and  am  with 
much  esteem, 

"  Dear  Sir,  your  very  obedient 

"  and  affectionate,  humble  servant, 

«J.  R. 


201 

"  The  villanous  tricks  of  the  post  office,  against 
which  we  are  cautioned  from  your  side  the  water, 
induce  me  only  to  put  the  initials  of  my  name  ; 
but  I  trust  you  will  be  at  no  loss  to  determine 
who  this  letter  is  from." 


TO    JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN. 

"Boston,  Nov.  15,  1774. 
"  Sir, 

"  When  I  parted  from  you,  I  fully  intended 
to  have  written  you  before  this  time ;  be  as 
sured  1  have  not  been  unmindful  of  you,  but 
public  and  private  business  has  entirely  engrossed 
my  time. 

"  Your  leaving  this  country  so  privately  has 
been  matter  of  general  speculation.  Some  say 
you  went  away  through  fear ;  others  that  you 
went  to  make  your  peace  ;  others  that  you  went 
charged  with  important  papers  from  the  continent 
al  congress  ;  many  conjectured  you  were  gone  to 
Holland ;  upon  the  whole  it  was  a  nine  days' 
wonder.  Since  you  left  us,  there  has  been  a 
provincial  congress,  which  consisted  of  about  two 
hundred  and  fifty  members,  in  which  matters  of 
26 


202 

the  greatest  importance  were  debated.  All  their 
proceedings,  which  I  have  liberty  to  communicate, 
you  will  see  in  the  prints. 

"  The    town   continues   to  meet   from   time  to 
time,    without    molestation.       There    have    been 
frequent    affrays    between     the    inhabitants    and 
soldiers,  which  have  generally  ended  to  the  mor 
tification  of  the  latter.     The  selectmen  and  town 
committees    have    frequent    interviews    with    the 
General  ;  he  declares  he  has  no  expectations  that 
this  people  will  ever  submit  to  the  late  acts  ;   he 
converses  more   freely  with   the  inhabitants   than 
Hutchinson  did,    on    matters  of  a  public  nature, 
though   we  are  not  off  our  guard,  knowing  that 
it  is  the  part  of  a  General  to  deceive.     The  in 
habitants  persisted   in  refusing   to  build  barracks 
for  the  soldiers,  but  have  in  some  measure  assist 
ed  them  in  refitting  old   houses  and  stores.     The 
autumn  has   been  remarkably   moderate,   so  that 
the   soldiers  are   but    now   entering   their   winter 
quarters.       The    main   guard   is    kept  at    George 
Erving's  warehouse,  in  King  street.     Almost  the 
whole   soldiery  in  America  are  now   collected  in 
this  town.     The  new  erected  fortifications  on  the 
Neck   arc  laughed  at  by  our  old  Louisburgh  sol 
diers,   as    mud-walls,   in   comparison    with    what 


203 

they  have  subdued, — and  were  it  necessary,  they 
would  regard  them  no  more  than  a  beaver-dam. 

"  The  spirit  of  the  inhabitants  both  in  town 
and  country  is  as  firm  as  ever  ;  determined  to 
defend  their  rights  to  the  utmost.  The  continental 

o 

congress  broke  up  the  26th  ult.  and  our  members 
all  returned  safe  last  Wednesday  evening.  The 
bells  rang  the  whole  evening.  An  extract  of 
their  proceedings  you  will  doubtless  have,  before 
this  reaches  you.  It  is  the  universal  voice  of  this 
people,  that  they  will  sacredly  observe  the  injunc 
tions  and  recommendations  of  the  grand  con 
gress.  The  provincial  congress  meet  by  adjourn 
ment  the  28th  inst.  The  neighbouring  towns 
and  colonies  continue  to  send  in  their  generous 
donations  to  the  poor  of  this  town.  We  have 
our  woollen  manufactory  in  good  forwardness, 
having  completed  a  considerable  quantity  of  baiz 
es  ;  and  should  it  be  necessary,  we  see  that  we 
could  easily  carry  on  any  branch  of  woollen  or 
linen  manufacture. 

"  We  have  great  expectations  from  your  abili 
ties  and  attachment  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
your  country.  We  are  sure  you  will  not  be  an 
idle  spectator,  but  will,  with  your  usual  spirit,  be 
an  active  advocate  for  truth  and  justice,  which  is 


204 

all  we  wish  to  take  place  in  our  present  unhappy 
disputes  with  Great  Britain. 

"  It  is  said  the  ministry  cannot  recede,  now 
they  have  gone  so  far.  I  wish  they  would  con 
sult  the  good  bishop  of  St  Asaph,  who  I  am  sure 
could  put  them  into  an  honorable  way. 

"  Mr  Molineux  died  after  a  short  illness, 
about  three  weeks  past.  All  friends  that  I 
recollect  are  well.  I  presume  you  will  receive 
several  letters  from  your  friends  by  this  oppor 
tunity,  which  will  doubtless  be  more  entertaining 
than  I  can  be.  Depending  upon  a  line  from  you 
as  soon  as  your  leisure  will  permit,  I  conclude  at 
present. 

"  With  great  respect, 

"  Your  sincere  friend, 

"  and  humble  servant, 
"  NATHANIEL  APPLETON." 


TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY    JUN. 

"Boston,  November  21,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  As  nothing  interesting,  which  I  am   at  lib 
erty  to  communicate,  has  taken  place  since  your 


205 

departure  from  home,  except  such  matters  as  you 
could  not  fail  of  being  informed  of  by  the  public 
papers,  I   have  deferred   writing  to  you,  knowing 
that  upon  your  first  arrival  in  London,  you  would 
be  greatly  engaged    in   forming   your   connexions 
with  the  friends  of  this  country,   to  whom   you 
have  been  recommended.     Our  friends  who   have 
been  at  the  continental  congress,  are  in  high  spirits 
on  account  of  the  union  which  prevails  throughout 
the  colonies.     It  is  the  united  voice  of  America,  to 
preserve  their  freedom,  or   lose  their  lives   in   de 
fence  of  it.     Their  resolutions  are   not  the  effect 
of  inconsiderate  rashness,  but  the  sound  result   of 
sober  enquiry  and  deliberation.     I   am  convinced 
that  the  true  spirit  of  liberty  was  never  so  univer 
sally   diffused   through  all   ranks    and    orders   of 
people,  in  any  country  on  the  face   of  the    earth, 
as  it  now  is  through   all  North   America.      The 
provincial  congress  met  at   Concord   at  the  time 
appointed.  About  two  hundred  and  sixty  members 
were  present.     You  would  have  thought  yourself 
in  an  assembly  of  Spartans,  or   ancient   Romans, 
had  you  been  a  witness  to  the  ardour   which  in 
spired  those  who  spoke  upon  the  important   busi 
ness   they  were   transacting.      An   injunction    of 
secrecy   prevents  my   giving  any  particulars  of 


206 

their  transactions,  except  such  as  by  their  express 
order  were  published  in  the  papers  ;  but  in  gen 
eral  you  may  be  assured  that  they  approved  them 
selves  the  true  representatives  of  a  wise  and  brave 
people,  determined  at  all  events  to  be  free.  I 
know  I  mi^ht  be  indulged  in  giving  you  an  account 
of  our  transactions,  were  I  sure  this  would  get 
safe  to  you,  but  I  dare  not,  as  the  times  are,  risk 
so  important  intelligence. 

"  Next  Wednesday,  the  23d  instant,  we  shall 
meet  again  according  to  adjournment.  All  that  I 
can  safely  communicate  to  you  shall  be  speedily 
transmitted.  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  dissolution 
of  the  British  Parliament,  which  we  were  ac 
quainted  with  last  week,  together  with  some  fa 
vourable  letters  received  from  England,  will  in 
duce  us  to  bear  the  inconvenience  of  living  without 
government  until  we  have  some  farther  intelligence 
of  what  may  be  expected  from  England.  It  will 
require,  however,  a  very  masterly  policy  to  keep 
the  province,  for  any  considerable  time  longer, 
in  its  present  state.  The  town  of  Boston  is  by 
far  the  most  moderate  part  of  the  province;  they 
are  silent  and  inflexible.  They  hope  for  relief, 
but  they  have  found  from  experience  that  they 
can  bear  to  suffer  more  than  their  oppressors  or 


207 

themselves  thought  possible.  They  feel  the 
injuries  they  receive, — they  are  the  frequent  sub 
ject  of  conversation  ;  but  they  take  an  honest 
pride  in  being  singled  out  by  a  tyrannical  admin 
istration,  as  the  most  determined  enemies  to  ar 
bitrary  power.  They  know  that  their  merits, 
not  their  crimes,  have  made  them  the  objects 
of  ministerial  vengeance.  We  endeavour  to  live 
as  peaceably  as  possible  with  the  soldiery,  but 
disputes  and  quarrels  often  arise  between  the 
troops  and  the  inhabitants. 

u  General  Gage  has  made  very  few  new  ma 
noeuvres  since  you  left  us.  He  has  indeed  render 
ed  the  entrenchments  at  the  entrance  of  the  town 
as  formidable  as  he  possibly  could.  I  have  fre 
quently  been  sent  to  him  on  committees,  and 
have  several  times  had  private  conversations  with 
him.  I  have  thought  him  a  man  of  honest, 
upright  principles,  and  one  desirous  of  accommo 
dating  the  difference  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  colonies  in  a  just  and  honourable  way.  He 
did  not  appear  to  be  desirous  of  continuing  the 
quarrel  in  order  to  make  himself  necessary,  which 
is  too  often  the  case  with  persons  employed  in 
public  affairs, — but  a  copy  of  a  letter  via  Phila 
delphia,  said  to  be  written  from  him  to  Lord 


208 

North,  gives  a  very  different  cast  to  his  character. 
His  answer  to  the  provincial  congress,  which  was 
certainly  ill  judged,  I  suppose  was  the  work  of 
some  of  that  malicious  group  of  harpies,  whose 
disappointments  make  them  desirous  to  urge  the 
governor  to  drive  every  thing  to  extremes  ;  but 
in  this  letter  (if  it  be  genuine)  he  seems  to  court 
the  office  of  a  destroyer  of  the  liberties  and  mur 
derer  of  the  people  of  this  province.  But  you 
have  doubtless  read  the  paper,  and  thought  with 
indignation  on  its  contents. 

"  I  wish  to  know  of  you  how  affairs  stand  in 
Great  Britain,  and  what  was  the  principal  motive 
of  the  dissolution  of  Parliament.  If  the  late  acts 
of  Parliament  are  not  to  be  repealed,  the  wisest 
step  for  both  countries  is  fairly  to  separate,  and 
not  spend  their  blood  and  treasure  in  destroying 
each  other.  It  is  barely  possible  that  Britain  may 
depopulate  North  America,  but  I  trust  in  God, 
she  never  can  conquer  the  inhabitants  ; — and  if  the 
cruel  experiment  is  made,  I  am  sure,  whatever 
fortunes  may  attend  America,  that  Britain  will 
curse  the  wretch,  who,  to  stop  the  mouths  of  his 
ravenous  pack  of  dependants,  bartered  away  the 
wealth  and  glory  of  her  empire. 


209 


M 


I  have  not  time  to  say  more  at  present  than 
to  assure  you  that  from  this  time  you  may  expect 
to  hear  from  me,  news  or  no  news,  by  every 
vessel,  and  that  my  earnest  wish  is  that  your 
abilities  and  integrity  may  be  of  eminent  service 
to  your  country. 

"  1  am,  dear  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  JOSEPH  WARREN." 


TO  JOSIAH  QUINCY   JUN. 

"  Boston,  December  30,  1774. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

While  at  Philadelphia,  I  received  your  fa 
vours  of  the  twentieth  and  twenty-fifth  of  August 
last,  and  agreeably  to  your  request  I  spoke  to 
divers  gentlemen  to  favour  you  with  letters  and 
with  intelligence.  I  should  have  written  you  from 
Philadelphia,  but  I  was  so  engaged  that  I  had  not 
a  moment's  time  ;  and  as  Mr  John  Adams  and 
Mr  Reed  told  me  they  should  write  you  by  the 
same  conveyance  that  I  wrote  Dr  Franklin,  I 
knew  you  would  by  them  be  favoured  with  the 
27 


210 

proceedings  of  the  congress,  and  the  necessary 
intelligence,  and  therefore  that  my  writing  would 
at  that  time  be  needless.  Since  I  have  returned 
home,  I  have  had  nothing  of  importance  to  com 
municate. 

"  The  proceedings  of  the  continental  congress 
are  universally  approved,  and  will  be  sacredly 
adhered  to.  The  inhabitants  of  Canada  are 
much  dissatisfied  with  the  late  acts  relative  to  that 
province,  and  instead  of  aiding  administration  in 
carrying  the  late  acts  relative  to  this  province  into 
execution,  they  will  unite  with  the  continent  in 
measures  to  obtain  their  repeal.  When  you  left 
the  province,  it  was  in  a  convulsed  state  ;  they  had 
a  complication  of  difficulties  and  distresses  to  en 
counter.  Under  these  circumstances  it  was  ne 
cessary  to  have  a  provincial  congress  to  consult  up 
on  measures  to  save  themselves  from  impending 
ruin,  and  to  preserve  their  inestimable  liberty. 
They  met  in  October  last.  If  in  any  of  their 
proceedings  they  have  gone  beyond  the  true  line 
marked  out  by  the  constitution,  certainly  people 
of  candour  and  consideration  will  excuse  it,  and 
make  all  due  allowance  for  a  people  in  such  an 
alarming,  perplexed,  and  critical  situation,  and  un 
der  the  dreadful  apprehension  of  having  their  dear- 


est  rights  and  liberties  torn  from  them  by  the 
hand  of  violence.  You  are  fully  acquainted  with 
our  distressed  situation, — you  doubtless  have  been 
furnished  with  the  proceedings  of  the  provincial 
congress  in  October  last,  and  as  you  are  capable, 
so,  I  doubt  not,  you  will  be  disposed  to  make  the 
most  favourable  representation  of  our  conduct  dur 
ing  this  time  of  perplexity. 

The  provincial  congress  adjourned  from  Octo 
ber  29th  to  November  23d,  when  they  met  at 
Cambridge,  and  dissolved  on  the  10th  inst.  Their 
proceedings,  or  most  of  them,  you  have  in  the  pub 
lic  papers.  The  late  order  of  the  king  in  council, 
prohibiting  the  exportation  of  powder,  or  any  sort 
of  arms  or  ammunition,  from  Great  Britain,  unless 
by  special  license,  has  alarmed  the  people  in 
America  ;  it  forebodes  the  most  vigorous  exertions 
of  martial  force.  They  are  therefore  adopting 
the  most  effectual  methods  to  defend  themselves 
against  any  hostile  invasion  of  the  enemies  to 
America.  The  people  of  Rhode-Island  have  used 
the  precaution  to  remove  the  powder,  cannon,  and 
other  military  stores  from  the  fort  at  Newport,  into 
the  country.  The  people  at  Portsmouth,  in  New 
Hampshire,  have  done  the  like  by  their  cannon 


212 

arid    other     military    stores   at   the   fort  at  New 
Castle,  at  the  entrance  of  their  harbour. 
"  I  remain,  with  strict  truth, 

"  Your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

u  THOMAS  GUSHING. 

"  Pray  let  me  hear  from  you  how  it  is  like   to 
fare  with  my  dear  country." 


TO   JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN. 

"  Brainlree,  January  3,  1775. 
"  Dear  Son, 

"  I  have  written  two  long  letters  to  you, 
since  your  departure,  the  last  of  which,  for  want 
of  a  safe  conveyance,  is,  I  suppose,  now  in  Boston. 
"  Yesterday  presented  me  with  the  most  valua 
ble,  the  most  welcome  New  Year's  gift  I  ever  re 
ceived, — the  doubly  joyful  news  of  your  safe  ar 
rival  in  England,  and  your  health  restored.  May 
that  all-perfect  Being,  who  has  bestowed  such  in 
estimable  blessings  upon  us,  impress  our  minds 
with  a  correspondent  grateful  sense  of  them,  man 
ifested  by  a  constant  exertion  of  our  rational  powers 
in  pursuit  of  their  proper  objects.  *  * 


213 

"No  sooner  were  the  results  of  the  continental 
and  provincial  congress  published  to  the  world, 
than  the  presses,  from  north  to  south,  have  been 
delivered  of  innumerable  productions  in  opposition 
to,  and  defence  of  them,  all  which  will  doubtless 
be  transmitted  to  you  in  newspapers  and  single 
pamphlets.  However,  I  cannot  deny  myself  the 
pleasure  of  noticing  one,  said  to  be  written  by 

your   friend   G 1  L ,  which   has   afforded 

great  relief  to  the  minds  of  those  who  entertained 
most  fearful  apprehensions  of  an  open  rupture 
with  the  parent  state.  *  *  * 

"  I  should  have  told  you  before,  that  we  were 
no  sooner  relieved  from  our  anxiety  about  your 
safe  arrival,  and  the  recovery  of  your  health,  than 
our  concern  commenced,  or  rather  revived,  to 
know  whether  you  were  safe  arrived  in  London, 
and  what  reception  you  met  with  from  the  court 
and  city  ; — whether  your  enemies  are  to  be  grati 
fied  by  ministerial  persecution,  or  your  friends  by 
the  esteem  and  honour  with  which  they  hope  to 
hear  you  are  received  and  entertained,  not  only 
by  those  friends  to  whom  you  have  been  recom 
mended,  but  all  those  friends  to  liberty,  and  the 
rights  of  mankind,  who  may  honour  you  with 
their  acquaintance  and  friendship. 


214 

"  You  will  readily  believe  me  when  I  tell  you 
we  are  all,  whether  whigs  or  tories,  quite  solicit 
ous  to  hear  how  the  new  parliament  opens ; — 
what  the  king's  sentiments  are  relative  to  Ameri 
can  affairs  ; — how  many  new  members  have  ob 
tained  seats  in  the  house  of  commons,  because 
they  are  esteemed  enemies  to  despotism,  and 
friends  to  liberty  ; — whether  they  are  likely  to  gain 
a  majority  by  being  above  corruption  ; — or  wheth 
er,  for  want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  inflexible 
patriots,  the  public  affairs  of  the  nation  are,  as  has 
been  often  foretold,  running  headlong  to  ruin,  and 
the  enemies  of  the  British  constitution  in  its  puri 
ty,  are  likely  to  succeed  in  their  endeavours  for 
its  subversion.  ********* 

"  You  must  excuse  my  rambling  from  one  thing 

to  another.  Mr  W brings  intelligence  from 

Boston,  that  the  seamen  on  board  the  fleet  are 
grown  mutinous  ; — that  one  of  the  navy  offi 
cers,  meeting  with  a  land  officer  at  K x's 

shop,  told  him  that  on  board  all  the  ships  their 
men  were  grown  so  uneasy  and  tumultuous,  that 
it  was  with  great  difficulty  they  could  govern 
them.  Upon  which  the  land  officer  observed,  that 
the  uneasiness  among  the  soldiers  was  full  as 
great,  if  not  greater,  than  among  the  seamen. 


215 


4 *  If  it  was  certainly  known  that  a  rupture  was 
to  take  place  in  the  spring,  there  could  not  be 
more  diligence,  or  greater  application  in  studying 
the  science  of  war,  than  there  is  at  present  through 
out  New  England,  and  I  believe  through  the 
continent ;  which  surely  must  convince  the  minis 
try  that  not  only  an  immense  treasure,  but  rivers 
of  blood  must  be  expended  before  the  spirits  of 
freeborn  Americans  can  be  made  TO  submit  to 
parliamentary  legislation,  and  submissively  bow 
their  necks  to  the  yoke  of  bondage,  their  fellow 
subjects  in  power  have  prepared  for  them. 

"  Pray  make  my  affectionate  and  friendly  regards 
acceptable  to  good  Dr  Franklin,  and  any  other 
friends  who  are  kind  enough  to  remember  and 
ask  after  me. 

"  I  cannot  express  how  near  your  interest,  your 
health,  and  your  happiness  lie  to  my  heart,  nor 
how  ardently  I  wish  my  longing  eyes  may  be 
blessed  with  the  sight  of  you  before  they  are  clos 
ed  in  everlasting  darkness,  and  the  dear  relation 
is  annihilated  between  you  and 

"  Your  unalterably  affectionate  parent, 

"  JOSIAH  QuiNCY." 


216 

THE  Journal  and  letters  of  Mr  Quincy,  dur 
ing  his  voyage  and  short  residence  in  England, 
will  present  all  that  is  known  of  this  last  period 
of  his  life.  Much  of  the  information  they  con 
tain  respecting  the  men  and  transactions  of  that 
time,  are  to  be  derived  from  no  other  source. 

This  Journal  cannot  be  read  without  leaving  a 
deep  impression  on  the  mind,  of  the  exclusive  and 
entire  devotion  of  the  writer's  soul  to  the  great 
purpose  of  his  voyage, — the  service  of  his  country. 
Possessed  of  an  exquisite  sensibility  to  the  beauties 
of  nature  and  art,  in  a  land,  which  constantly 
presented  to  him,  on  every  side,  objects  calculated 
to  excite  and  detain  his  imagination,  and  gratify 
his  taste,  his  notices  of  them  are  of  the  most  cur 
sory  kind.  A  single  word,  indicating  either  his 
satisfaction,  or  his  surprise,  occasionally  escapes 
from  his  pen.  Even  this  is  often  immediately 
followed  by  an  expression  of  regret  and  self-re 
proach,  at  permitting  any  thing  to  occupy  his 
mind,  except  thoughts  concerning  his  country. 

As  the  best  mode  of  preserving  the  continuity 
of  events,  and  impressions,  the  letters  of  Mr 
Quincy  from  England  will  be  published  according 
to  their  dates,  in  connexion  with  those  parts  of 
the  journal,  in  which  they  are  noticed  as  having 
been  written. 


217 

JOURNAL  OF  A  VOYAGE  TO  ENGLAND,  &C. 

"  September  28,  1774.  Wednesday  morning 
ten  o'clock,  embarked  on  board  the  ship  Boston 
Packet,  Nathaniel  Byfield  Lyde,  master,  and  sail 
ed  for  London.  With  us  went  passengers  Messrs 
W.  Hyslop  and  son,  Dr  Paine,  and  Rufus  Chand 
ler  Esq.  of  Worcester,  Mr  Higginson  of  Salem, 
and  Mr  Sylvester  Oliver,  son  of  the  late  Lieuten 
ant  Governor.  Some  of  us  might  say,  'Nos  dulcia 
linquimus  arva,'  while  others  were  obliged  to 
mourn,  '  Nos  patriam  fugimus.' 

"  Though  in  low  health  when  I  entered  on 
ship-board,  the  salutary  effects  of  the  sea  air  soon 
contributed  to  relieve  my  complaints,  and  in  less 
than  twenty  days,  gave  me  confirmed  health. 

"  November  5th.  Latitude  49°  45',  wrote  a 
letter  to  Mrs  Quincy. 

5  At  sea,  Nov.  5,  1774,  two  in 
£  the  morning.     Lat.  49°  45'  IV. 

"  We  generally  estimate  the  value  of  our  pos 
sessions  by  their  loss,  and  the  worth  of  our 
friends  is  seldom  better  realized,  than  in  their 
absence.  ************ 


*     * 


*     Believe  me,  you  cannot  think  with 

how  much  tender  solicitude   I  look  towards  you 

28 


218 

and  my  children.     My  country,  my  friends,  and 
my  family,  occupy  my  whole  thoughts,  and  while 
I  see  myself  blessed  with  a  promising  prospect  of 
doing  some  little  service  to  the  one,  and  of  being 
returned  in  safety  to  the  other,  it  inspires  me  with 
sensations   I   must  leave   you  to   realize.      Why 
should   I  detain  you  with  reflections,    while  to  a 
friend  who  is  absent,  nothing  can  be  more  grate 
ful  than  to  tell  you  how  I  have  been,  and  where 
I    am.      After  an   agreeable  and  very  refreshing 
ride  to  Salem,  we  sailed   from  thence  at  ten  in 
the  morning,   and   were  clear   of  the   land  about 
two  in  the  afternoon.     Though  the  weather  was 
fine,  yet  in  less  than  an  hour  I  was  confined  to 
my  cabin,  but  was  happy  in  finding  my  sickness 
neither  so  violent  nor  unremitting  as  in  my  former 
voyage.     Five  and  twenty  days  rolled  away  with 
much  of  the  uninteresting  vacuity  and  sameness 
of  a   sea  life.      I  had,  however,  the  pleasure  of 
perceiving    a  gradual   daily   advantage    from   my 
voyage,  and  my  retired   moments  were   grateful 
in  reflecting  upon  the  many  prayers  and  benisons 
which  were  breathed  towards  me  by  my  American 
friends. 

"  Such  was  the  unremitted  favour  of  the  winds 
during  the  whole  of  the  preceding  period,  as  that 


219 

we  never  failed  of  being  able  to  lay  our  course, 
which  was  a  circumstance  no  one  on  board  had 
ever  known  for  so  long  a  time,  except  in  the 
latitude  of  the  trade  winds.  But  this  felicity  was 
in  a  great  measure  destroyed  by  the  poor  im 
provement  we  were  able  to  make  of  it ;  our 
ship  was  deep  laden,  and  as  bad  a  sailer  as  was 
ever  navigated  by  a  Dutch  commander  ;  not  a 
sail  on  the  ocean  but  what  passed  by  us  as  if  we 
had  been  at  anchor.  Had  we  been  only  in  a 
tolerably  going  ship,  we  should  in  all  probability 
have  been  at  Land's  End  in  one  or  two  and 
twenty  days  ;  instead  of  which,  at  the  end  of 
about  eight  and  twenty,  the  winds  set  in  strong 
at  the  southeast,  where  they  have  continued  ever 
since,  and  seem  at  this  time  as  likely  to  continue 
as  ever.  These  circumstances,  at  sea,  are  a  little 
more  vexatious  than  those  on  land  easily  imagine. 
But  as  for  myself,  I  had  less  reason  than  any  one 
on  board  to  be  uneasy.  Every  day  has  surpris 
ingly  added  to  my  health  ;  the  benefit  from  the 
sea  is  far  beyond  any  thing  experienced  in  my  voy 
age  to  South  Carolina.  Ever  since  the  day  I  left 
land,  I  have  never  had  one  symptom  of  my  former 
complaints  ;  they  did  not  leave  me  by  degrees, 
but  entirely  and  at  once  ;  so  that  while  writing 


220 

this,  no  one  on  board  appears  freer  from  disorder, 
and  none  most  certainly  in  better  spirits.  Indeed, 
if  it  were  not  for  my  concern  about  America,  and 
my  friends  there,  I  should  not  feel  one  uneasy 
sensation. 

"  Tell  my  American  friends,  that  I  see  more 
reason  than  ever,  that  they  should  write  me  mi 
nute  statements  of  facts.  Tell  them  the  period 
to  false  representations  of  American  affairs  is  not 
yet  come.  I  shall  probably  enlarge  on  this  head 
in  another  letter,  and  if  I  should  write  under  a 
new  signature,  you  must  not  be  surprised.  I 
know  not  by  what  opportunity  I  shall  send  this. 
The  season  is  so  far  advanced,  and  the  winds 
have  of  late  been  so  favourable  for  the  departure 
of  American  bound  ships,  it  is  probable  I  shall 
have  no  very  speedy  conveyance.  However,  as 
there  is  a  possibility  of  meeting  some  vessel  bound 
to  one  of  the  colonies,  either  in  the  Channel,  or 
Downs,  I  write  at  this  time,  so  as  to  be  able  to 

embrace  the    opportunity  on   the  shortest   notice. 

#•      ##      #*•      *#••*      *,*.«*'##_* 

"  November   8,    1774.      Ten    o'clock    in    the 
morning.     Just  stepping  aboard  a  pilot-boat,  and 
going  up  to  Falmouth.     In  very  great  haste, 
"  Yours, 

"JOSIAH    QUINCY 


221 


JOURNAL  CONTINUED. 

"  November  8,  1774.  Tuesday  morning,  (six 
weeks,  wanting  a  day,  since  leaving  Salem,)  land 
ed  at  Fal mouth. 

"  Having  reached  the  famous  island  of  Great 
Britain,  I  am  prone  to  contemplate  the  glorious 
deeds  that  have  made  it  immortal, — but  alas  !  my 
affections,  and  my  duty,  call  me  to  consider  the 
state  of  my  native  country. 

"  I  found  considerable  advantage  by  attending 
to  my  companions,  and  often  collected  much  in 
formation  of  men  and  things,  that  from  the  polit 
ical  jealousies  and  cautions  prevalent  in  America, 
I  could  not  there  so  readily  attain.  One  of  the 
first  convictions  I  received,  was  touching  the 
source  of  many  American  injuries,  and  one  of  my 
first  emotions  was  indignation  against  public  con 
spirators.  I  find  that  there  was  very  great  doubt 
whether  I  was  going  to  embark  for  Europe;  but 
certain  Americans  were  very  sure  I  should  never 
dare  to  go  up  to  London. 

"  November  8th.  Wrote  another  letter  to  Mrs 
Quincy. 


222 


Falmouth,  Great  Britain,  Nov.  8,  1774. 
"  My  dear  Friend, 

"  I  have  already  written  to  you  this  day  ;  I 
shall  therefore  write  nothing  very  material  at  this 
time.  I  am  now  on  shore,  every  thing  around 
me  happy  and  agreeable  as  to  myself.  The  peo 
ple  crowd  round  me,  eager  to  hear  about  American 
affairs, — I  gratify  them.  This  place  is  in  situa 
tion  delightful ;  the  country  and  cultivation  sur 
pass  description.  I  long  to  paint  the  scenes  around 
me.  All  things  are  heightened  by  my  uncommon 
health  and  spirits.  I  am  almost  afraid  I  shall 
meet  with  a  damper,  but  I  was  never  better  pre 
pared  to  conflict  with  adversity. 

"  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  been  regaled 
with  the  profusions  of  Great  Britain  to — those 
who  have  money.  I  have  read  also  about  twenty 
of  the  late  London  papers.  I  would  have  sent 
them,  but  could  not  procure  them.  They  contain 
the  resolves  of  the  congress  relative  to  the  late 
Suffolk  proceedings.  They  also  seem  to  breathe 
a  spirit  favourable  to  America.  I  am  in  some 
pain  on  finding  that  six  men-of-war  sailed  for 
Boston,  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October.  I  have 
conversed  with  several  sensible  people  here.  I 


223 

have  not  yet  met  one,  but  what  wishes  well  to  the 
Americans.  And  one  or  two  expressed  great  ven 
eration  for  the  brave  Bostonians. 

"  We  have  a  report  that  the  congress  have 
agreed  upon  a  non-importation  agreement ;  and 
also  upon  a  non-exportation  agreement,  to  com 
mence  the  first  of  August  next.  I  have  also  been 
informed  that  Lord  North  had  desired  leave  of 
his  Majesty  to  resign  ;  to  which  the  King  replied, 
— '  Your  Lordship's  policy  hath  made  an  Amer 
ican  snarl,  and  your  Lordship's  dexterity  must 
untie  it,  or  it  must  be  cut ;  and  when  Englishmen 
once  begin  that  work,  they  will  probably  go  much 
further.' 

"  I  have  no  room  for  more,  except  that  to-mor 
row  I  proceed  towards  Plymouth  by  land. 
"  Adieu. 

"  JOSIAH  QuiNCY  JUN." 


JOURNAL  CONTINUED. 

"  November  8th.  Took  a  two  hours'  walk 
over  the  town  of  Falmouth.  A  delightful  situa 
tion-  In  my  view  of  Pendennis 
Castle,  and  indeed  of  every  thing  about  me,  I  am 
struck  with  the  great  appearance  of  antiquity. 


224 

"  November  9th.  Proceeded  from  Falmouth 
to  Bodmyn,  twenty-two  miles.  Passed  through 
the  town  of  Pendryn,  and  several  small  villages. 
The  roads  hilly  and  good,  affording  agreeable 
riding,  and  delightful  land  prospects.  The  cul 
tivation  of  the  land  can  scarcely  be  realized  by 
a  mere  American  ;  it  is  to  a  wonderful  perfection. 
The  first  reflection  upon  the  immense  labour  that 
must  be  bestowed  on  these  fields  was,  where  the 
men  lived,  who  did  the  work.  Extensive  fields, 
highly  tilled,  without  a  house.  This  was  an 
object,  which  occurred  almost  every  hour.  The 
villages  in  which  the  labourers  and  peasantry 
chiefly  reside,  are  built  of  small  stones  and  clay, 
generally  miserable  accommodations  for  honest 
labour.  The  lower  orders  of  people  are  servile 
in  their  obeisance,  and  despondent  in  their  appear 
ance. 

"  I  could  not  help  remarking,  that  if  the  little 
liberty  diffused  through  Britain,  could  give  such 
a  beautiful  face  to  nature,  what  would  be  the  ap 
pearance,  if  there  was  as  much  general  liberty, 
as  was  consistent  with  that  fundamental  principle 
of  social  policy,  <  the  greatest  happiness,  of  the 
greatest  number.'  *  *  *  * 


225 

"  The  Briton  says,  '  See  France,  Spain,  and 
Italy, — the  calamities  of  slavery  !  '  The  liberal- 
minded,  who  use  a  larger  scale,  will  think  it  not 
needful  to  go  so  far.  Nothing  is  more  common 
than  to  hear  in  America,  both  north  and  south 
Britons  declaim  against  the  hypocritical  duplicity 
and  fraud  of  New-Englandmen  ;  but  certain  it  is, 
that  Great  Britain,  in  variety  and  abundance  of 
frauds  and  deceits,  far  surpasses  any  part  of  North 
America. 

"  November  10th.  From  Bodmyn,  a  very  con 
siderable  manufacturing  town,  I  rode  through 
several  villages  to  Plymouth  Docks,  about  thirty- 
three  miles.  Saw  the  elegant  seat  of  Lord 
Edgecombe,  a  most  delightful  situation. 

"November  llth.  Though  a  very  cold  and 
stormy  day,  I  viewed  Plymouth  Docks,  and  went 
on  board  and  all  over  the  Royal  George,  a  first- 
rate,  pierced  for  two  hundred  and  ten,  and  carry 
ing  two  hundred  guns.  The  rope-walks,  build 
ings,  armory,  arsenal,  naval  and  warlike  stores, 
exceed  the  power  of  the  human  mind  to  conceive, 
that  doth  not  actually  behold. 

"  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  what  I  could 
scarcely  realize  to  be  true,  while  I  was  actually 
viewing.  My  ideas  of  the  riches  and  powers  of 
29 


226 

this  great  nation  are  increased  to  a  degree  I 
should  not  have  believed,  if  it  had  been  predicted 
to  me. 

"  I  also  saw  many  64,  74,  80,  and  100  gun 
ships  ;  and  went  on  board  a  loaded  Jndiaman 
just  arrived  ;  but  this,  being  after  viewing  the  pre 
ceding  magnificence,  did  not  much  move  me. 
The  various  materials,  and  the  several  degrees  of 
building,  from  the  laying  of  the  keel,  to  the  finish 
ing  an  hundred  gun  ship,  which  were  very  care 
fully  viewed  by  me,  in  several  instances,  excited 
an  astonishment  I  never  before  experienced. 

"November  12th.  Proceeded  farther  to  view 
Plymouth  and  its  environs  ;  saw  the  beautiful  as 
sembly  room  at  Bath,  and  the  baths  for  the  nobil 
ity  and  gentry  ; — elegance  and  splendour.  Pro 
ceeded  to  Plymouth,  viewed  the  town  and  castle 
of  Plymouth  ; — incredible  strength,  natural  and 
artificial.  The  statue  of  George  the  First  is  very 
elegant  and  beautiful. 

"  November  13th.  Having  arrived  at  the  great 
and  ancient  city  of  Exeter,  I  viewed  the  city, 
cathedral,  and  bishop's  palace.  The  cathedral 
surprisingly  grand  and  antique  ; — amazing  work 
of  superstition  !  Went  to  church  and  saw  the 
procession  of  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen,  the 


227 

parade  of  the  bishops,    archdeacons,    deans,    &c. 

•a************* 

"  The  North  walk  in  this  city  is  beyond  ex 
pression  beautiful. 

"November  14th.  Went  from  Exminister,  to 
the  city  of  Salisbuiy. 

"  November  15th.  Viewed  the  famous  Druid 
Temple  at  Stonehenge,  which  the  learned  and 
the  virtuosi  call  one  of  the  greatest  wonders  of 
the  island.  It  is  a  wonderful  piece  of  antiquity. 

"  Went  to  the  seat  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke. 
His  statuary  and  paintings  are  said  to  surpass  those 
of  any  nobleman  in  the  kingdom.  There  is  no 
such  thing  as  describing  what  authors  have  written 
whole  volumes  upon. 

"  Viewed  the  cathedral,  which  is  called  (and 
perhaps  justly)  one  of  the  finest  in  the  kingdom. 

"  November  16th.  Proceeded,  and  lodged  at 
Staines,  on  the  Thames.  The  number  of  delight 
ful  seats  &c.  increases  very  much  ;  among  others 
that  of  the  Earl  of  Portsmouth,  very  superb. 

"November  17th.  Proceeded  to  London, 
where  I  arrived  about  eleven  o'clock,  A.  M. 
The  extent,  numbers,  opulence,  &c.  of  this  great 
city,  far  surpass  all  I  had  imagined.  I  was  visit 
ed  by  Messrs  Thomas  Bromfield,  C.  Dilly,  and 


228 

J.  Williams,  from  all  of  whom  I  received  many 
civilities.  Waited  upon  Dr  Franklin,  and  drank 
tea  with  him.  He  appears  in  good  health  and 
spirits,  and  seems  warm  in  our  cause,  and  con 
fident  in  our  ultimate  success.  I  find  many  friends 
to  liberty  and  America,  rejoiced  on  notice  of  my 
arrival. 

"  I  find  among  a  certain  set  of  Americans  it 
was  a  matter  of  great  wonder  at  the  New  Eng 
land  coffee-house,  what  brought  me  to  London. 
My  '  Observations'  have  been  reprinted  here,  I  un 
derstand.  Wrote  a  long  letter  to  Mrs  Quincy. 


"  London,  November  17,  1774. 
"  My  dear  Friend, 

"  About  ten  hours  ago,  I  arrived  in  this  great 
city,  and  am  now  at  my  lodgings,  near  the  Hay- 
market.  With  you,  and  my  friends,  the  first  ob 
ject  and  inquiry  will  be  about  my  health  and 
spirits.  In  one  word  (for  just  now  I  am  a  man 
of  too  much  business  to  use  many)  they  are  both 
surprisingly  fine, — rather  bordering  upon  extrava 
gance,  than  under  par.  Indeed,  how  could  they 
be  otherwise  ?  From  sea,  I  landed  in  fine  health, 
and  have  now  finished  a  most  delightful  journey  of 


229 

three  hundred  miles.  The  scenes  of  Plymouth 
Docks,  Stonehenge,  Wilton  House  (containing 
the  statues  and  paintings  of  the  Earl  of  Pem 
broke),  exceed  all  description  :  nay,  I  will  venture 
to  say,  that  the  imagination  stretched  to  its  ut 
most  limits,  cannot  form  any  idea  of  their  grand 
eur,  without  a  view.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
Exeter  and  Salisbury  cathedrals. — But  why  do  I 
waste  time  upon  any  other  subject,  than  my  coun 
try  ? 

"  I  have  spent  about  two  hours  to-day  \vith  Dr 
Franklin.  He  appears  the  stanch  friend  of 
America,  and  confident  of  the  ultimate  success  of 
its  friends.  He  has  promised  me  his  patronage, 
and  I  have  reason  to  believe  him  sincere.  He  in 
quired  particularly  after  '  his  old  friend,'  my 
father. 

"  Mr  Jonathan  Williams  Jun.  has  waited  up 
on  me  and  treated  me  with  great  civility  and  po 
liteness.  He  lives  with  Dr  Franklin,  and  he  told 
me,  that  upon  his  waiting  on  him  with  intelligence 
of  my  arrival,  he  asked,  if  it  was  the  author  of 
the  '  Observations '  &c.,  and  being  answered  in 
the  affirmative,  he  replied, — <  I  am  very  glad  of 
it.' 


230 

"  Mr  Bromfield  has  shown  me  every  mark  of 
respect.  He  told  me  that  when  it  was  known 
to-day  at  the  New  England  coffee-house  that  I 
had  arrived,  certain  Americans  made  a  great  won 
der — <  what  I  had  come  for.'  One  of  the  friends 
of  liberty  in  this  city  came  to  him  also,  and  told 
him  that  a  certain  gentleman  in  the  coffee-room, 
said, — '  Yes,  Quincy  has  been  blowing  up  the 
seeds  of  sedition  in  America,  and  has  now  come 
to  do  the  same  here.'  I  returned  my  compliments, 
and  sent  word,  that,  '  if  I  had  done  nothing  but 
blow  up  seeds,  they  would  probably  be  very 
harmless,  as  they  would  never  take  root ;  but  if  I 
should  have  the  good  fortune  to  sow  any  here, 
and  they  should  afterwards  ripen,  he,  or  the  min 
istry  might  blow  them  about  at  their  leisure.' 

"I  am  well  informed  that  the  friends  of  America 
increase  here  every  day.  In  the  west  of  England, 
a  very  considerable  manufacturer  told  me,  "  If  the 
Americans  stand  out,  we  must  come  to  their 
terms.'  I  find  our  friends  here  dread  nothing  so 
much  as  lest  the  congress  should  petition.  Should 
they  adopt  that  mode,  it  will  be  injurious  to  our 
cause.  The  ministry  have  carried  their  men  at  a 
late  election,  but  the  people  seem  to  be  rousing. 
You  sec  I  have  been  a  short  time  in  London.  I 


can  as  yet  communicate  but  little  intelligence.  A 
large  field  is  opening  to  me.  I  am  preparing  for 
the  course  with  feelings,  which  render  me  careless, 
whether  I  shall  be  pursuing,  or  pursued.  Tell  my 
political  friends,  I  shall  soon  write  to  them,  and 
that  when  I  informed  Dr  Franklin  of  the  pains 
I  had  taken  to  establish  an  extensive  correspon 
dence,  he  rejoiced  at  it  much.  Let  their  intel 
ligence  be  as  frequent,  and  as  minute  as  possible. 
Let  them  all  direct  to  Mr  Bromfield,  or  Mr 
Dilly.  This  is  my  third  letter  to  you.  Not 
a  line  yet  from  America.  Salute  all  my  friends 
with  due  respect. 


JOURNAL  CONTINUED. 

"  November  18th.  This  morning,  J.  Williams 
Esq.,  inspector  of  the  customs  in  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  waited  upon  me,  and  we  had  more  than  an 
hour's  private  conversation  together.  He  inform 
ed  me,  that  Governor  Hutchinson  had  repeatedly 
assured  the  ministry  that  a  union  of  the  colonies 
was  utterly  impracticable ;  that  the  people  were 
greatly  divided  among  themselves,  in  every  colony ; 
and  that  there  could  be  no  doubt,  that  all  America 


would  submit,  and  that  they  must,  and  moreover 
would,  soon.  It  is  now  not  five  minutes,  since 
Mr  Williams  left  me,  and  these  I  think  were  his 
very  words  ;  he  added,  also,  that  Governor  Hutch- 
inson  had  not  only  repeatedly  told  the  ministry  so, 
as  several  Lords  had  informed  him,  but  that  Gov 
ernor  Hutchinson  had  more  than  once  said  the 
same  to  persons  in  the  ministry,  in  his  presence. 
Mr  Williams  desired  to  wait  on  me  to  see  Lord 
North  and  Lord  Dartmouth, — but  as  it  was  not 
at  their  Lordships'  desire  he  made  the  request,  I 
declined  going  for  the  present.  Mr  Williams  also 
presented  the  compliments  of  Corbin  Morris  Esq. 
(one  of  the  commissioners  of  the  customs,  and  a 
gentleman  high  in  the  sentiments  of  administration) 
with  a  request,  that  I  would  come  and  dine  with 
him  to-day  ;  but  being  engaged  to  dine  out  this, 
and  several  succeeding  days,  I  was  obliged  to  de 
cline  the  invitation. 

"  Dined  with  Dr  Franklin,  in  company  with 
Dr  Bancroft  and  Mr  Williams.  Dr  Franklin 
confirmed  the  account  given  by  Mr  Williams  rela 
tive  to  Governor  Hutchinson,  so  far  as  that  several- 
of  the  nobility,  and  ministry,  had  assured  him  of 
the  same  facts. 


233 

"  Went  this  evening  to  Covent  Garden  Thea 
tre  ;  saw  the  *  Beggar's  Opera,'  with  the  farce  of 
'  Cross  Purposes.'  Shuter  acted  well  the  part  of 
Peacham,  and  the  actresses  in  several  striking 

o 

elegancies  of  gesture,  voice,  and  action,  convinced 
me  that  women  equal  men  in  the  powers  of  elo 
quence.  I  am  still  further  satisfied  in  my  opinion, 
that  the  stage  is  the  nursery  of  vice,  and  dissemi 
nates  the  seeds  of  it  far  and  wide,  with  an  amaz 
ing  and  baneful  success. 

"  November  19th.     Early  this  morning  J.  Wil 
liams  Esq.  waited  upon  me  with  the  compliments 
of  Lord   North,  and   his   request   to  see  me    this 
morning.     I    went  about   half  past  nine  o'clock, 
and  found   Sir  George  Savil  (as  Mr  Williams   in 
formed   me)   in   the  levee   room.     After   a    short 
time  his  lordship    sent  for  Mr  Williams   and    my 
self  into   his  apartment.     His  reception  was   po 
lite,  and  with    a  cheerful    affability  his    Lordship 
soon  inquired  into  the  state,  in   which   I    had  left 
American  affairs.     I  gave  him  my  sentiments  up 
on  them,  together   with    what   I    took  to   be    the 
causes  of  most  of  our  political  evils  ; — gross  mis 
representation  and  falsehood.      His  lordship  repli 
ed,  he  did   not  doubt  there   had    been  much,  but 
added,  that  very   honest  men  frequently   gave  a 
30 


234 

wrong  statement  of  matters  through  mistake,  pre 
judice,  prepossessions,  and   biases,  of  one  kind  or 
other.     I  conceded  the  possibility  of  this,  but  fur 
ther  added,  that    it   would   be    happy,  if  none  of 
those  who  had  given  accounts  relative  to  America 
had  varied  from  known  truth,  from  worse  motives. 
"  We  entered    largely   into   the    propriety   and 
policy  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill.      In  the  conversa 
tion  upon  this  subject   I   received  much    pleasure. 
His  lordship  several  times  smiled,  and  once  seem 
ed    touched.       We  spoke   considerably    upon    the 
sentiments  of  Americans,  of  the  right  claimed  by 
Parliament  to  tax, — of  the  destruction  of  the  tea, — 
and  the  justice  of   payment   for  it.     His  brdship 
went  largely  and  repeatedly  into  an  exculpation  of 
the   ministry.      He   said  they  were  obliged  to  do 
what  they  did ;  that  it  was  the  most  lenient  measure 
that  was  proposed  ;   that  if  administration  had  not 
adopted  it,  they  would  have  been  called  to  an  ac 
count  ;    that  the  nation  wrere  highly  incensed,  &c. 
"  Upon   this  topic   I    made  many  remarks  with 
much  freedom   and  explicitness,  and  should   have 
said  more,    had    not   his   lordship's  propensity  to 
converse   been  incompatible  with  my  own  loquac 
ity.      His  lordship  more  than  thrice  spoke  of  the 
power  of  Great  Britain,  of  their  determination  to 


235 

exert  it  to  the  utmost,  in  order  to  effect  the  sub 
mission  of  the  Colonies.  He  said  repeatedly,  '  We 
must  try  what  we  can  do  to  support  the  authority 
we  have  claimed  over  America.  If  we  are  defec 
tive  in  power,  we  must  sit  down  contented,  and 
make  the  best  terms  we  can,  and  nobody  then  can 
blame  us,  after  we  have  done  our  utmost ;  but  till 
we  have  tried  what  we  can  do,  we  can  never  be 
justified  in  receding.  We  ought,  and  we  shall  be 
very  careful  not  to  judge  a  thing  impossible,  be 
cause  it  may  be  difficult ;  nay,  we  ought  to  try 
what  we  can  effect,  before  we  determine  upon  its 
impracticability.'  This  last  sentiment,  and  very 
nearly  in  the  same  words,  was  often  repeated, 
— I  thought  I  knew  for  what  purpose. 

"  His  lordship  spoke  also  upon  the  destruction 
of  the  Gaspee,  and  in  direct  terms  twice  said, 
that  the  commissioners  were  appointed  to  try  that 
matter,  and  had  transmitted  accounts  that  they 
could  obtain  no  evidence.  This  declaration  being 
in  flat  contradiction  to  what  I  had  several  times 
heard  Chief  Justice  Oliver  declare  to  be  the  case 
from  the  bench,  when  giving  his  charges  to  the 
grand  jury,  was  particularly  noticed  by  me.  His 
Honor  ever  most  solemnly  declared,  in  public 
and  private,  that  the  commission  was  to  inquire 


236 

whether  any  such  event  had  happened,  in  order 
to  send  word  to  England,  that  so  a  trial  might, 
or  might  not  be  ordered,  as  the  evidence  might 
be  ;  and  in  the  most  express  terms  declared  the 
commissioners  had  no  power  to  try. 

"  In  the  course  of  near  two  hours'  conversation, 
many  things  more  passed  between  us.  As  many 
letters  and  messages  were  delivered  to  his  lord 
ship  while  I  was  present,  I  several  times  rose  to 
depart,  telling  his  lordship  I  was  afraid  I  should 
trespass  on  his  patience,  or  the  concerns  of 
others  ;  but  being  requested  to  stay?  I  remained 
about  two  hours  and  then  rose  to  go,  but  his 
lordship  kept  standing,  while  he  continued  his 
conversation  with  his  usual  spirit.  Upon  my 
departure  he  asked  me  when  I  should  leave 
England.  I  told  him  it  was  uncertain, — but 
imagined  not  this  twelvemonth.  He  hoped  the 
air  of  the  island  would  contribute  to  my  health, 
and  said  he  thought  the  most  unhealthy  months 
were  past ;  and  then  saying,  *  I  am  much  obliged 
to  you  for  calling  on  me,'  we  left  each  other  to 
our  meditations. 

"  Mr  Williams  the  same  morning  presented  the 
compliments  of  Mr  Commissioner  Morris,  before 


237 

mentioned,  and  requested  my  dining  with  him  on 
Tuesday  next. 

"  Traversed  St  James'  Park,  and  then  went  to 
Islington  to  dine  with  Mr  Bromfield,  where  I 
met  three  or  four  high,  sensible  whigs,  whose 
conversation  and  politeness  enlivened  and  gratified 
me.  Mr  Welsh,  one  of  the  company  with  whom 
I  dined,  desired  me  to  be  upon  my  guard  against 
the  temptations  and  bribery  of  administration. 
*  If  you  are  corruptible,  sir,'  added  he,  <  the  min 
istry  will  corrupt  you.'  This  sentiment  was  con 
firmed  by  all  present.  They  further  informed  me, 
that  as  all  the  morning  papers  mentioned  me  by 
name,  as  the  author  of  the  <  Observations,'  and 
as  having  arrived  in  town  ; — several  at  the  coffee 
houses  wondered  how  '  I  dared  to  come.' 

"  I  am  often  told,  that  many  rejoice  that  I  am 
come  over ;  and  have  many  evidences  hourly 
given  me,  to  induce  me  to  think  I  have  some, 
and  reason  to  hope  that  in  time  I  shall  have  more, 
friends. 

"  It  is  whispered  that  orders  are  gone  to  Amer 
ica  to  apprehend  General  Lee.  But  I  do  not 
believe  it. 

"  November  20th.  Went  to  hear  divine  ser 
vice  at  Westminster  Abbey  ; — cursorily  viewed 


238 

that  astonishing  work,  which  I  intend  shortly  to 
give  more  attention  to. 

"  Dined  with  Messrs  Dilly  in  company  with 
Dr  Franklin,  Mr  Sheriff  Lee,  Dr  Davis,  and 
others  ;  with  whom  I  spent  the  afternoon  and 
evening.  Mr  Lee  said  he  had  long  thought  of, 
and  would  soon  set  on  foot,  a  subscription  for  the 
Americans.  I  find  every  day  more  reason  to 
think  that  multitudes  of  fervent  friends  to  Amer 
ica  reside  in  this  island. 

"  November  21  st.  Went  to  Westminster  Hall, 
and  attended  the  Court  of  Chancery,  King's 
Bench,  and  Common  Pleas. 

"  Waited  on  Governor  Pownall,  and  had  two 
hours'  conversation  with  him.  Dined  with  Sher 
iff  Lee  with  several  friends  of  liberty. 

"  November  22d.  Dined  with  Corbin  Morris 
Esq.,  one  of  the  commissioners  of  the  customs 
(supposed  framer  of  the  annual  ministerial  budget, 
being  a  choice  friend  of  the  ministry),  in  company 
with  one  of  the  officers  of  the  treasury,  and  J. 
Williams  Esq.  Mr  Morris  was  sensible,  intelli 
gent,  and  very  conversable.  The  whole  conver 
sation  was  on  American  affairs.  He  entered 
largely  into  the  claims,  the  rights,  and  the  duty 
of  Parliament.  He  spoke  as  might  be  expected. 


239 

I  observed  a  remarkable  conformity  of  sentiment 
between  him  and  Lord  North  ;  and  an  equally 
observable  similarity  of  language.  Mr  Morris 
expatiated  largely  upon  the  infinite  resources  of 
commerce,  wealth,  and  power  of  the  English 
nation.  I  heard  him. 

u  The  following  address  to  me  was  not  a  little 
singular. 

"  '  Mr  Quincy,  you  are  a  man'  &c.  (flummery.) 
4  You  have  seen  some  of  the  ministry,  and  have 
heard  more  of  the  dispositions  of  administration. 
You  find  that  they  have  no  inclination  to  injure, 
much  less  to  oppress  the  colonies.  They  have  no 
wish  but  that  of  seeing  the  Americans  free  and 
happy.  You  must  be  sensible  of  the  right  of 
Parliament  to  legislate  for  the  colonies,  and  of 
the  power  of  the  nation  to  enforce  their  laws.  No 
power  in  Europe  ever  provoked  the  resentment, 
or  bade  defiance  to  the  power  of  this  island,  but 
they  were  made  to  repent  of  it.  You  must  know 
your  countrymen  must  fail  in  a  contest  with  this 
great  and  powerful  people.  Now  as  you  find 
how  inclined  administration  are  to  lenity  and 
mildness,  you  should,  you  ought,  to  write  to 
your  friends  this  intelligence,  and  endeavour  to 
influence  them  to  their  duty.  I  do  not  doubt 


240 

your  influence  would  be  very  great  with  them, 
and  you  would  by  this  means  be  doing  a  lasting 
service  to  your  country.' 

"  November  23d.  Dined  with  Messrs  Dilly, 
and  a  few  friends  of  liberty,  and  spent  the  residue 
of  the  day  in  delivering  letters.  At  night  Mr 
Inspector  Williams  waited  on  me,  with  the 
compliments  of  Lord  Dartmouth,  and  requested 
my  waiting  on  him  tomorrow  at  ten  o'clock. 
Mr  Williams  gave  me  a  curious  account  of  a 
conversation  with  his  lordship  relative  to  my 
4  Observations.'  Received  the  compliments  of 
Governor  Pownall  to  breakfast  with  him. 

"  November  24th.  Waited  upon  Lord  Dart 
mouth,  and  had  about  an  hour  and  a  half  conver 
sation  with  him.  I  was  convinced  that  the 
American  and  British  controversy  would  be  much 
sooner,  and  much  more  equitably  settled,  if  it 
were  not  for  the  malevolent  influence  of  a  certain 
Northern  personage  now  in  Great  Britain. 

"  Lord  Dartmouth  being  called  out  for  a  few 
minutes  to  attend  the  physicians  of  his  lady,  made 
his  apology,  and  taking  up  a  pamphlet  that  lay  on 
his  table  said,  '  I  would  entertain  you  with  a 
pamphlet  ("Observations  on  the  Port  Bill"),  dur 
ing  my  absence,  but  I  fancy  you  have  seen  this. 


241 

I  think  you  know  the  author  of  it.'  His  lordship 
bowed  with  a  smile,  which  I  returned,  and  he  re 
tired  for  a  few  minutes.  * 

"  Was  introduced  by  Dr  Franklin  and  Dr 
Trice,  and  spent  part  of  the  afternoon  and  even 
ing  with  the  Royal  Society.  Spent  the  residue  of 
the  evening  with  a  club  of  friends  of  liberty  at 
the  London  coffee-house.  Was  there  introduced, 
by  Dr  Franklin  and  Dr  Price,  to  Mr  Alderman 
Oliver,  Mr  Vaughan,  eight  or  nine  dissenting 
clergymen,  and  several  other  gentlemen. 

"  I  find  the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  good  from 
the  spirit  of  the  Americans,  and  the  most  ardent 
wishes  for  their  success.  Dr  Franklin  acknowl 
edged  to  me,  that  he  was  the  author  of  <  The  Way 
to  make  a  great  Empire  a  little  one  ;' — and  <  The 
Edicts  of  the  king  of  Prussia.' 

"  November  25th.  -Received  complimentary 
visits  from  Governor  Pownall,  Mr  Wentworth, 
and  others.  Went  and  viewed  the  inside  of  St 
Paul's. 

"  November  26th.  Breakfasted  with  Governor 
Pownall,  and  spent  three  hours  with  him  in  con 
versation  upon  American  affairs.  Governor  Pow 
nall  said  to  me,  *  Mr  Quincy,  I  do  assure  you,  all 
the  measures  against  America  were  planned  and 
31 


242 

pushed  on  by  Bernard  and  Hutchinson.  The} 
were  incessant  in  their  application  to  administra 
tion,  and  gave  the  most  positive  assurances  of 
success;  and  I  do  assure  you,  America  has  not  a 
more  determined,  insidious,  and  inveterate  enemy 
than  Governor  Hutchinson.  He  is  now  doing, 
and  will  continue  to  do,  all  he  can  against  you.' 

"  Dined  with  Mr  Rogers  (a  banker),  at  New- 
ington  Green,  in  company  with  many  of  the 
friends  of  liberty. 

"  November  27th.  Dined  with  Dr  Franklin, 
and  spent  the  evening  with  him  and  his  friends. 

"  Wrote  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Quincy,  and  another 
to  Josiah  Quincy  Esq.  by  the  December  packet. 


TO   MRS.  QUINCY. 

London,  November  24,  1774. 
"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  Having  written  you  many  letters  since  my 
arrival  in  this  island,  as  my  bosom  friend,  I  now 
address  you  as  my  political  confidant.  Finding  it 
impossible  to  write  to  all  my  political  friends,  they 
must  consider  my  letters  to  you  as  intended  for 
them. 


243 

"  Ever  since  my  arrival  here,  I  have  been  an 
object  of  much  more  attention  and  respect  than  I 
had  any  right  to  claim.  However,  these  circum 
stances  have  not  flattered  my  vanity,  because  I 
know  that  it  was  not  my  merits  that  procured 
this  distinction. 

"  The  principle  I  laid  down  to  regulate  my 
conduct,  was  to  make  no  appearance  in  any  noted 
coffee-houses,  and  no  very  conspicuous  figure  in 
any  public  place.  The  next  rule  I  observed  was, 
to  wait  upon  no  public  characters,  though  ever  so 
much  solicited,  till  the  compliment  of  a  request  to 
see  me  was  first  paid. 

"  Lord  North  was  the  first  who  desired  my  at 
tendance,  Mr  Commissioner  Morris  next  requested 
my  dining  with  him,  and  Lord  Dartmouth,  as  soon 
as  he  arrived  in  town,  appointed  an  hour  for  my 
attending  him.  With  neither  of  these  gentlemen 
had  I  less  than  two  hours'  conversation. 

"I  long  to  communicate  the  substance  of  these 
interviews,  but  I  have  not  time  to  transcribe  it 
from  my  Journal.  Indeed  I  have  not  an  hour's 
time  to  myself : — the  friends  of  liberty,  and  the 
friends  of  the  ministry,  engross  my  whole  time. 
I  am  in  a  delicate  situation.  I  have  a  very  diffi 
cult  task.  Each  party  makes  great  professions  of 


244 

friendship  ;  with  what  views  or  sincerity  you  may 
conjecture.  Governor  Pownall  has  detained  me 
several  hours  in  conversation  on  American  affairs, 
and  is  now  writing  on  that  subject,  Dr  Franklin 
and  Mr  Sheriff  Lee,  with  very  many  others,  ap 
pear  my  stanch  friends.  With  these  I  spend, 
and  shall  spend,  almost  every  day,  considerable 
portions  of  time. 

"  Critical  as  my  situation  is,  yet  (save  the  con 
cern  T  feel  for  my  country)  I  have  high  pleasure. 
My  health  is  good  beyond  example,  and  my 
spirits  are  truly  American.  In  all  companies  I 
have  endeavoured  to  give  a  true  state  of  the  affairs 
of  the  continent,  and  the  genuine  sentiments  of 
its  inhabitants.  I  find  many  things  I  advance  are 
said  to  be  new, — but  I  have  openly  and  repeatedly 
declared  (even  to  the  characters  before  mentioned) 
my  willingness  to  meet,  and  controvert,  face  to 
face,  any  who  dispute  the  justice  of  rny  opinions, 
or  the  truth  of  what  I  relate.  Whether  it  be 
a  good  or  ill  omen,  my  friends  may  judge  ;  but 
certain  it  is,  that  all  (even  the  highest)  with 
whom  I  have  conversed,  declare,  they  have  no 
doubt  but  that  my  coming  over  will  be  of  great 
service  to  both  countries.  To  a  great  officer  of 
state  who  expressed  this  sentiment,  my  reply  was 


245 

*  There  is  a  certain  influence  which  will  counter 
act  all  I  can  possibly  do.'     I  was    understood  not 
to  mean  a  British  influence,  and  the  reply  was, — 

*  Perhaps  not.' 

"  America  hath  none  to  fear  so  much  as  her 
own  children.  Some  of  these  are  inveterate  and 
persevering  beyond  example  or  conception.  See 
ing  I  have  not  time  to  give  you  a  regular  detail 
of  all  I  have  heard  and  seen,  you  will  probably 
inquire — What  is  the  substance  of  what  you  col 
lect  ?  What  is  your  own  private  opinion  ?  To 
gratify  my  friends  on  these  heads  was  the  cause 
of  my  snatching  this  hasty  moment,  and  transmit 
ting  my  opinion. 

"  The  minds  of  people  are  strangely  altered  in 
this  island  : — the  many  are  now  as  prone  to 
justify  and  applaud  the  Americans,  as,  but  a  little 
while  ago,  they  were  ready  to  condemn  and 
punish.  I  have  conversed  with  almost  all  ranks 
of  people  for  these  fifteen  days  past,  and  having 
been  in  very  large  circles  of  the  sensible  part  of 
the  community  during  that  time,  my  opportunity 
for  information  was  the  more  fortunate.  I  came 
among  a  people,  I  was  told,  that  breathed  nothing 
but  punishment  and  destruction  against  Boston, 
and  all  America.  I  found  a  people,  many  of  whom 


246 

revere,  love,  and  heartily  wish  well  to  us.  Now 
is  it  strange  that  it  should  be  so  ?  for  abstracted 
from  the  pleasure  that  a  good  mind  takes  in  see 
ing  truth  and  justice  prevail — it  is  the  interest,  the 
highest  private  Interest  of  this  whole  nation,  to  be 
our  fast  friends  : — and  strange  as  it  may  seem 
when  you  consider  the  conduct  of  the  nation  as 
represented  in  Parliament,  the  people  know  it. 
The  following  language  has  been  reiterated  to 
me  in  various  companies,  with  approbation  and 
warmth. 

"  *  We  are  afraid  of  nothing  but  your  division, 
and  your  want  of  perseverance.  Unite  and  per 
severe.  You  must  prevail, — you  must  triumph.' 

"  This  and  similar  language  hath  been  held  to 
me  with  a  zeal  that  bespoke  it  came  from  the 
heart, — with  a  frequency  that  proved  such  senti 
ments  dwelt  upon  the  mind.  I  could  name  you 
the  first  characters  for  understanding,  integrity, 
and  spirit,  who  have  held  such  language  ; — but  it 
would  be  improper  to  name  those  who  might 
perhaps  be  discovered  through  the  indiscretion 
of  American  friends,  or  the  prying  villany  of 
public  conspirators.  Bowdoin,  Winthrop,  Chaun- 
cy,  Cooper,  Warren,  &c.,  can  recollect  whom 
they  introduced  me  to,  and  thence  conjecture  a 


247 

few  of  those,    whose  British  hearts  are  thus  in 
America. 

"  Great  is  the  anxiety  here,  lest  the  congress 
should  petition  or  remonstrate.  In  the  arts  of 
negotiation,  your  adversaries  are  infinitely  your 
superiors.  If  that  mode  of  proceeding  is  adopted 
by  the  congress,  many,  very  many  friends  will 
sink, — they  will  desert  your  cause  from  despond 
ency.  At  present  (as  I  am  assured  and  as  I  verily 
believe),  could  the  voices  of  this  nation  be  collect 
ed  by  any  fair  method,  twenty  to  one  would  be 
in  favour  of  the  Americans.  You  wonder  and 
say,  '  Then  whence  is  it  that  they  do  not  exert 
themselves  ? '  One  American  phrase  will  give 
you  the  true  reason.  The  people  are  'cowed' 
by  oppression.  It  is  amazing, — it  is  incredible 
how  much  this  is  the  case.  Corruption,  baseness^ 
fraud,  exorbitant  oppression  never  so  abounded  as 
in  this  island.  And  will  you  believe  me  when  I 
say,  that  Englishmen, — that  boasted  race  of  free 
men, — are  sunk  in  abject  submission. 

"  From  Parliament,  therefore,  expect  no  fa 
vour,  but  what  proceeds  from  fear,— from  the 
people  here,  expect  no  aid.  It  is  yourselves,  it  is 
yourselves  must  save  you ;  and  you  are  equal  to 
the  task.  Your  friends  know  this,  and  your  verv 


248 

enemies  acknowledge  it.  But  they  believe  you 
are  as  corrupt  and  as  corruptible  as  themselves  ; 
and  as  destitute  of  union,  spirit,  and  perseverance, 
as  the  friends  of  freedom  are  in  this  country.  For 
your  country's  sake,  depend  not  upon  commercial 
plans  alone  for  your  safety.  The  manufacturers 
begin  to  feel, — they  know,  they  acknowledge, 
they  must  feel  severely  ;  and  if  you  persevere, 
they  must  be  ruined.  But  what  are  these  men, — 
what  are  the  body  of  this  people  ?  The  servants 
of  their  masters.  How  easy  it  is  for  the  ministry 
to  frown  or  flatter  them  into  silence.  How 
easy  to  take  the  spoils  of  the  nation,  and,  for  a 
season,  fill  the  mouths  of  the  clamorous.  It  is 
true,  your  perseverance  will  occasion,  in  time,  that 
hunger  which  will  break  through  stone  walls. 
But  how  difficult  is  it,  how  impracticable  is  it, 
for  mere  commercial  virtue  (if  indeed  it  have  any 
existence)  to  persevere.  I  repeat,  therefore, — 
depend  not  upon  this  scheme  for  your  deliverance. 
I  do  not  say  renounce  it,— I  say  continue  it ;  but 
look  towards  it  in  vast  subordination  to  those 
noble,  generous,  and  glorious  exertions  which 
alone  can  save  you.  Before  I  came  among  this 
people,  the  friends  of  liberty  desponded ;  because 
they  believed  the  Americans  would  give  up. 


249 

They  saw  the  irretrievable  ruin  of  the  whole 
cause,  lost  in  that  fatal  yielding.  I  feel  no  des 
pondence  myself, — I  am  sanguine  my  country 
must  prevail.  I  feel  the  ardour  of  an  American ; 
— I  have  lighted  up  the  countenances  of  many  ' 
— I  am  speaking  conviction  every  day  to  more. 
In  short,  I  am  infected  with  an  enthusiasm  which 
I  know  to  be  contagious.  Whether  I  have  caught 
or  spread  the  infection  here,  is  no  matter  need 
ful  to  determine. 

"November  27th. 

"  Since  writing  the  above  I  have  spent  three 
hours  in  private  conversation  with  Governor 
Pownall.  He  confirmed  me  that  the  people  of 
Boston  are  not  mistaken  in  the  man  whom  they 
have  most  reason  to  curse  of  all  others.  I  have 
his  very  words  down  in  my  journal,  but  they  are 
too  many  here  to  transcribe. 

"  Tomorrow  I  am  to  see  Lord  Chatham.  In 
the  afternoon  I  am  to  dine  with  Lady  Hunting 
don.  On  Tuesday  I  am  to  go  to  the  House  of 
Lords,  at  the  opening  of  Parliament,  and  on  the 
same  day  shall  converse  with  Sir  George  Saville. 
My  whole  time  is  dedicated  to  the  common  cause. 
My  heart  and  soul  are  engaged  in  it. 
32 


"  Be  careful  what  parts  of  this  letter  you  pub 
lish  ;  without  absolute  necessity,  do  not  publish 
any.  Dr  Franklin  and  others  complain  much 
of  their  letters  being  made  public.  It  is  a  fear  of 
that,  that  prevents  him  and  many  more  from 
writing  to  you. 

"  Dr  Franklin  is  an  American  in  heart  and  soul. 
You  may  trust  him  ; — his  ideas  are  not  contracted 
within  the  narrow  limits  of  exemption  from  taxes, 
but  are  extended  upon  the  broad  scale  of  total 
emancipation.  He  is  explicit  and  bold  upon  the 
subject,  and  his  hopes  are  as  sanguine  as  my 
own,  of  the  triumph  of  liberty  in  America,  It 
would  entertain  you,  if  I  could  spare  time  to  relate 
all  that  is  said  of  me  and  my  designs  ;  but  I  have 
no  leisure  for  amusements  of  this  kind. 

Not  a  line  yet  from  America  ; — judge  of  my 
impatience  to  hear  of  your  welfare.  Collect  all 
the  intelligence  possible,  and  transmit  accounts 
by  every  conveyance.  This  is  my  sixth  letter. 
My  last  went  enclosed  to  Mr  Mason  ; — this  I 
shall  convey  to  Mr  Benjamin  Clarke,  but  without 
signature.  Don't  forget  to  pay  the  postage  to 
him.  I  have  not  time  to  correct  or  peruse  this 
letter.  Adieu  !  The  support  and  blessing  of 
heaven  be  with  you,  and 

"  Your  assured  friend. 


251 

"  P.  S.  You  are  desired  to  let  no  part  of  this 
letter  be  printed,  but  what  Mr  Phillips  shall  ad 
vise  to.  You  may  communicate  a  sight  of  it  to 
all  candid  friends,  and  if  it  should  fortunately 
happen  that  a  whole  circle  should  be  present, 
desire  them  to  let  one  of  the  company  sit  down, 
and  in  their  presence  give  me  their  joint  senti 
ments  and  counsels. 

"  I  yesterday  heard  two  eminent  bankers  and 
three  very  wealthy  merchants  say, — that  as  soon 
as  America  shall  free  herself  from  the  tyranny  of 
this  country,  they  would  take  their  all  and  remove 
to  New  England  ;  and  they  affirmed  that  they 
knew  many  more  resolved  to  do  the  same. 

"  In  the  last  ships  there  sailed  for  Pennsylvania, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  great  Dr  Franklin,  two 
very  wealthy  farmers,  from  the  county  of  Norfolk, 
with  their  families  to  settle.  If  these  should 
succeed,  hundreds  will  follow  from  that  fertile 
county,  wrhich  contains  the  best  husbandmen 
on  the  island." 


JOURNAL    CONTINUED. 

"November  28,   1774.     Went  to  Westminster 
Hall    and   heard    Lord   Chief   Justice   Mansfield 


252 

deliver  the  opinion  of  the  court,  in  Campbell's 
case  of  the  4^-  per  cent.  duty.  He  was  perspicu 
ous  and  eloquent.  Dined  with  Mr  Keen,  and 
spent  the  afternoon  and  evening  with  Lady  Hunt 
ingdon. 

"November  29th.  Went  to  the  House  of 
Peers,  saw  the  grand  procession  of  the  king,  his  re 
ception  of  the  new  house  of  commons,  in  his  robes 
and  diadem,  surrounded  with  his  nobles  and  great 
officers.  I  was  not  awe-struck  by  the  pomp. 
*  The  trappings  of  a  monarchy  will  set  up  a  com 
monwealth,'  (John  Milton,  Robert  Howard.) 

"  Went  to  Drury  Lane  Theatre  ;  saw  Garrick 
in  the  'Beaux'  Stratagem.'  He  is  a  most  sur 
prising  actor. 

"November  30th.       Went    to    the    House  of 
Peers  ;  got  to  the  foot  of  the  throne,  and  saw  the 
formality  of  presenting  a  new  speaker  by  the  Com 
mons.    Heard  the  king  deliver  his  speech  from  the 
throne.    Heard  the  Bishop  of  Litchfield  and  Cov 
entry  read  prayers,  as  most  bishops  do —  * 
Spent  the  afternoon  and  evening  with  Mr  Pearson 
and  his  friends. 

"  December  1st.  Dined  with  Mr  Rogers  of 
the  treasury,  in  company  with  a  commissioner  of 
the  treasury,  two  members  of  Parliament,  and 


others.  Went  at  six  o'clock  with  Dr  Franklin  to 
the  seat  of  Samuel  Vaughan  Esq.  at  Wanstead, 
where  we  spent  our  time  very  happily  till  Satur 
day  night. 

"  December  4th.  Dined  with  Sheriff  Lee, 
and  Mr  Arthur  Lee. 

"  December  5th.  Breakfasted  with  Sir  George 
Saville,  in  company  with  Mr  Hartley,  a  member 
of  Parliament,  and  had  two  hours'  conversation 
on  American  affairs.  Dined  with  Colonel  Boyd 
at  the  Edinburgh  coffee-house. 

"  The  exertion  of  my  lungs  for  a  number  of 
days  past  has  brought  on  my  raising  of  blood 
again. 

"  December  6th.     About  10    this  morning  Mr 

o 

Commissioner  Morris  waited  on  me,  and  staid 
an  hour  and  a  half.  His  conversation  was  much 
on  the  propriety  of  my  laying  down  some  line 
of  conduct  to  which  the  colonies  would  accede, 
and  by  which  the  present  controversy  might  be 
amicably  adjusted.  He  urged  much  my  waiting 
again  upon  Lord  North  and  Lord  Dartmouth,  and 
insisted  upon  the  propriety  and  expediency  of  this 
step.  I  thought  I  could  discern  the  origin  and  drift 
of  this  curious  discourse.  He  also  in  the  course 
of  conversation  said,  «  Mr  Quincy,  you  can  have  no 


254 

idea  of  the  taxes  of  this  kingdom,  and  the  distress 
of  our  poor.  I  do  not  mean  our  manufacturers, 
but  our  hedgers,  ditchers,  and  threshers.  They 
have  not  now  their  twelve  pence,  ten  pence,  or 
eight  pence  a  day,  but  they  are  glad  to  get  six 
pence  a  day  for  their  labour,  and  may  be  once 
a  week  they  may  have  a  little  kind  of  something 
given  them  by  way  of  charity,  for  dinner.  They 
are  extremely  poor,  and  wretched  indeed  ;  every 
thins;  here  is  taxed  to  the  utmost.  The  colonies 

o 

must  relieve  us.  They  must  ease  us  of  our  taxes,' 
&c.  &c.  He  also  affirmed  to  me  that  Governors 
Hutchinson  and  Bernard  were  principally  attend 
ed  to,  in  the  late  measures  against  the  colonies. 
But  he  added,  that  government  had  found  that 
many  things  had  turned  out  different  from  Mr 
Hutchinson's  representation,  and  that  things  had 
not  been  at  all  conformable  to  what  he  foretold. 
"  December  7th.  Mr  Inspector  Williams  called 
on  me  this  morning,  and  again  renewed  to  me  his 
assurances  that  Governor  Hutchinson  was  the 
sole  cause  and  presser-on  of  the  measures  against 
Boston  and  all  America.  *  It  is  his  advice  that 
dictated  the  steps  of  administration,  and  it  is  his 
present  opinion  and  assurances  that  keep  up  the 


^55 

spirits   and  measures   of  the   ministry,'  were  his 
very  words. 

"  Wrote  a  long  political  letter  to  Mrs  Quincy." 


"London,  December!,  1774. 
"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  There  never  was  a  time  in  which  I  wished 
more  *  to  speak  without  a  tongue,'  and  ;  to  be 
heard  without  ears:'  then,  as  Shakspeare  express 
es  it,  <  in  despite  of  broad-eyed,  watchful  day/ 
<I  would  into  thy  bosom  pour  my  thoughts.' 
This  kingdom  never  saw  a  time  in  which  the 
minds  of  all  ranks  were  more  upon  the  rack  with 
expectation  ;  and  when  I  tell  you  that  yesterday 
in  the  coffee-room  adjoining  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  one  of  the  ministerial  members  offered  to 
lay  a  wager  of  seventy-five  guineas  to  twenty- 
five,  THAT  BOSTON  WAS  NOW  IN  ASHES, you  will 

not  think  my  own  bosom  free  from  anxiety  !  It  is 
now  more  than  two  months  since  any  advices  have 
been  received  from  America,  of  the  state  of  things 
in  your  province.  The  subalterns  of  the  minis 
try  give  out  that  the  most  peremptory  orders  went 
to  General  Gage  last  October,  to  proceed  to  ex 
tremities,  with  vigour  ;  they  therefore  vapour  with 


256 

much  vaunting  upon  the  expectation  of  hearing, 
in  a  few  days,  that  you  are  all  subdued,  and  in 
deep  humiliation.  Should  the  reverse  of  this 
prove  true,  as  God  grant  it  may  !  your  enemies 
will  sink,  and  sink  forever.  Let  me  here  tell  you 
a  great  truth.  The  people  of  this  country  have 
too  generally  got  an  idea  that  Americans  are  all 
cowards  and  poltrons.  This  sentiment  is  propa 
gated  and  diffused  with  great  industry  and  suc 
cess. 

"  Now  it  is  agreed  on  all  hands,  that  your 
courage — your  courage,  I  repeat  it — will  be 
brought  to  the  test.  Should  it  prove  answerable 
to  your  ostentations, — worthy  your  ancestors, 
your  friends  will  amazingly  increase.  Your  hearty 
friends  will  be  in  raptures,  and  your  very  ene 
mies  will  applaud  you.  I  could  easily  explain  to 
you  the  reason  of  all  this,  but  I  must  leave  you 
to  consider  of  that  yourselves.  Read  the  para 
graph  again,  and  make  your  own  reflections. 

"  Will  you  believe  me,  when  I  tell  you,  that 
your  letting  a  certain  character  escape  from  your 
justice  is  imputed  to  you  on  all  hands  as  a  fault. 
Your  enemies  impute  it  to  your  cowardice  ;  your 
friends  to  your  want  of  political  sagacity.  Certain 
it  is,  that  from  one  man, — from  one  man,  I  say, 


257 

and  he   neither   a   Bute,    a   Mansfield,    a  North, 
or  a  Bernard,  are  all  your  miseries  supposed    to 
flow.       This   supposition    is   not   made  by   those 
alone  who  are  sanguine  in  your  common  cause  ; 
it  is  the  general  sentiment  of  all  parties,  and  were 
I  to  show  you  my  journal,  in  which  I   enter  the 
sentiments  and  expressions  of  those  with  whom 
from  time  to  time  I  converse,  you  would  find  un 
expected  characters,  intimating,  or  speaking  out, 
the  same  idea.   '  It  was  his  advice  that  dictated  the 
steps  of  administration,  and  it  is  his  present  opin 
ion  and  assurances,  that  keep  up  the  spirits  and 
measures  of  the  ministry,' — were  the   very  words 
uttered  to  me,  not  twenty  minutes  ago,  by  a  gen 
tleman  in  office  in  the  customs.      I  should  take  a 
satisfaction   in  naming   to  you  those  who  are  my 
informants  ;    but  a   fear  lest  your  indiscretion   in 
publishing  what  I  write,  should  discover  the  author 
of  your   intelligence,  denies  me  that  indulgence. 
Remember,  in  whatever   you  publish,  to   beware 
you  do  not  print  any  thing  that   may  betray  the 
writer.     Not  that  I  am  conscious  of  any  wrong, 
but  I  am  here  surrounded  by  great  villains,  who 
have  will  and  power  to  injure,  but  want  a  pretext. 
"  Apropos, — this    leads    me  to   speak  of   your 
friend,  Mr  Quincy,  who  lately  arrived  in  this  city. 
33 


258 

In  the  House  of  Lords,  last  week,  when  the  ad 
dress  to  the  king  was  in  debate,  Lord  Hillsborough 
said,  that  '  there    were  then   men  walking  in   the 
streets  of  London,  who  ought  to  be  in  Newgate, 
or  at  Tyburn.'     Upon  which  the  Duke  of  Rich 
mond  rose  and  said,  that  '  he  was  surprised  that 
his  Lordship  should  cast  such  a  heavy  reflection 
on    his    Majesty's     ministers,    by    suggesting    a 
matter,  which,  if  true,  proved  they  were  guilty  of 
a   gross    neglect    of  duty,'   and   called   upon   his 
Lordship  for  a:i  explanation  of   whom,  and  what, 
he  meant.     Upon  which  Lord  Hillsborough  rose, 
and  pointed  out,  though  not  by  name,  yet  so  as 
every  body  knew  whom  he  meant, — Dr  Franklin 
and  Mr  Quincy.     The  latter  gentleman  he  men 
tioned  as    author    of  a    late    publication,    called 
4  Observations     on    the    Boston    Port   Bill    and 
Standing  Armies.' 

"  The  character  of  your  Mr  Samuel  Adams 
runs  very  high  here.  I  find  many  who  consider 
him  the  first  politician  in  the  world.  I  have 
found  more  reason  every  day  to  convince  me 
that  he  has  been  right,  when  others  supposed 
him  wrong. 

"  But  why  should  we  spend  time  in  looking 
back.  Look  forward  !  God  grant  you  penetra- 


259 

tion  that  you  may  see  the  great  duties  which  lie 
before  you.  May  you  have  fortitude  to  suffer, — 
courage  to  encounter, — activity  and  perseverance 
to  press  forward. 

"  Prepare,  prepare,  I  say,  for  the  worst.  I 
fear  your  delays  have  been  your  ruin.  I  know 
that  your  energies  may  already,  or  in  future, 
bring  upon  you  many  and  great  calamities  ;  but  I 
am,  from  my  own  observation,  and  the  judgment 
of  very  many  others,  most  sure,  that  your  for 
bearance,  your  delays,  your  indecision, — in  short, 
what  your  enemies  call  your  '  arrant  cowardice  ' 
— hath  brought  or  will  bring  upon  you  many 
more,  and  greater  evils. 

"  These  are  important  truths.  Weigh,  com 
mune,  consider,  and  act,  as  becomes  your  former 
professions,  and  your  highest  duty. 

"  You  see  my  heart  gets  the  better  of  my  head  ; 
my    feelings    rise    paramount   to  my     discretion. 
Thus  it  will  always  be  with  those  who  are  warm 
in  the  cause  of  their  country, — their  zeal  banishes 
caution ; — you    see    however  I   still  retain    some 
discretion,  but  even  that  I  had  rather  lose  than  be 
<  unpregnant  of  my  cause,  or   lack  gall   to  make 
oppression  bitter.'     God  knows  whether  this  let 
ter  will  ever  reach  you ;   were  I   sure  it  would,  I 
should  write  a  volume. 


260 

"  I  have  lately  written  largely  to  you  on  political 
matters.  Tell  me  what  my  enemies  write  of 
me  from  this  side  the  water  ;  write  me  what  my 
friends  think  of  me  on  your  side  the  ocean. 

"  My  whole  time  is  taken  up  in  my  duty.  I 
never  was  more  busy.  I  never  was  more  talk 
ative.  I  wrote  you  fully  relative  to  my  health  in 
former  letters  ; — I  have  as  yet  had  no  symptom  of 
taking  cold  since  I  have  been  in  London,  but  in 
cessant  application, — incessant  talking  with  several 
members  of  Parliament,  and  others,  these  four 
days  past,  has  brought  on  a  little  fever,  and  some 
raising  of  blood.  But  otherwise  I  was  never  bet 
ter  in  my  life, — certainly  I  never  was  in  better 
spirits.  Do  not  be  concerned  about  this  circum 
stance.  I  would  not  have  mentioned  it  but  in 
fidelity  to  one,  from  whom  I  cannot  conceal  any 
thing  which  concerns  my  welfare. 

"  I  am  urged  by  Dr  Franklin  to  go  down  with 
him  and  spend  Christmas  with  the  Bishop  of  St 
Asaph.  I  have  not  yet  given  my  answer.  On 
Friday  I  expect  to  see  Lord  Shelburne,  and  have 
very  lately  conversed  several  hours  with  Sir  George 
Saville. 

"  You  must  know  that  many  of  your  friends 
here  in  both  houses  will  not  take  a  decisive  part, 


261 

till  they  see  how  you  act  in  America.  For  should 
they  take  a  determined  part  now,  in  favour  of  that 
country,  and  in  a  short  time  America  should  give 
back,  their  hopes  of  rise  into  power  and  office 
(which  is  the  hope  of  all  British  statesmen)  would 
be  forever  at  an  end.  Therefore,  till  the  colonists 
discover  that  union  and  spirit,  which  all  parties 
here  agree  must  force  success,  you  are  not  to 
expect  any  great  exertions  in  your  favour.  But 
when  once  there  is  a  conviction  that  the  Ameri 
cans  are  in  earnest, — that  they  are  resolved  to 
endure  all  hazards  with  a  spirit  worthy  the  prize 
for  which  they  contend,  then,  and  not  till  then, 
will  you  have  many  firm,  active,  persevering,  and 
powerful  friends,  in  both  houses  of  Parliament. 
For,  let  me  again  tell  you,  that  strange  as  it  may 
seem,  there  is  great  doubt  here  among  many, 
whether  you  are  really  in  earnest,  in  the  full  force 
and  extent  of  those  wrords.  I  am  called  out.  Peace 
be  with  you.  Salute  my  friends,  and  remember, 
in  ancient  love, 

u  Your  most  affectionate  and  fast  friend.* 


*  This  letter,  in  which  Mr  Quincy  speaks  of   himself,  as 
of  another  person,  like  many  others  written  to    his  wife 


262 

"  London,  December  7,  1774. 
"  My  dear  Wife, 

"  You  will  form  a  poor  idea  of  my  feelings 
for  you,  and  for  my  country,  if  you  do  not  con 
sider  that  I  have  had  no  tidings  of  you  since  I 
sailed.  Not  only  my  breast,  but  the  breasts  of 
ministers  and  kings, — nations  and  empires,  are 
big  with  expectations  of  American  events.  That 
1  tide ' but  I  forbear. 

"  I  this  day  wrote  you  very  largely,  and  prior 
to  that  again  very  full.  These  letters  were  sign 
ed  with  a  new  political  signature.  The  chief  de 
sign  of  my  now  writing  is  to  let  you  know  this, 
by  sending  the  present  letter  by  some  other  ship. 
I  would  have  transcribed  my  letters,  but  have  not 
time  to  write  duplicates,  and  I  have  yet  found 
nobody  whom  I  dare  trust  to  copy  for  me. 

"  My  whole  heart  is  with  you  ;  my  whole  time 
is  employed  in  endeavouring  to  serve  my  country. 
It  is  now  three  weeks  since  I  came  to  this  city ; 
yet  I  have  never  dedicated  but  two  evenings  to 
the  entertainments  of  the  town ;  and  although 

from  England,  was  with  an  assumed  signature ;  in  conse 
quence  of  the  danger,  to  which  correspondence  with  Boston 
was  at  that  period  exposed. 


263 

Garrick  has  acted  four  nights,  I  have  seen  him  but 
once.  You  will  wonder  how  I  spend  my  nights 
and  days  in  serving  my  country  ;  but  in  one  word 
I  find  every  body  eager  to  hear,  most  people 
willing  to  be  set  aright,  and  almost  all  grossly 
ignorant  of  the  American  world.  I  have  been 
taught  to  believe  that  I  have  spoken  convic 
tion  to  many  sensible  minds.  My  friends  are 
many,  my  spirits  excellent,  and  my  health  as  I 
mentioned  in  my  last.  Make  it  your  business  to 
inquire  out  the  December  packet,  and  do  not  rest 
till  you  get  the  letters  I  sent  by  it. 

"  Believe  me,  I  know  not  when  to  leave  writing, 
and  were  I  sure  of  a  safe  conveyance,  I  should 
write  a  volume.  My  heart  feels  for  you  all  very 
exquisitely  when  I  think  of  you,  which  is  eighteen 
hours  out  of  the  twenty-four. 

"  Adieu,  my  best  friend. 


"  Give  me  the  earliest  intelligence  of  the  dates 
of  those  letters  which  you  receive." 


JOURNAL  CONTINUED. 


"  December  8th.     Spent  the  day  and   night  at 
Mr  Thornton's  elegant  seat  at  Clapham. 


264 

"  December  9th.  Returned  from  Mr  Thorn 
ton's,  dined  at  home,  and  spent  the  afternoon 
and  evening  with  Dr  Franklin  alone. 

"  December  10th.  Dined  with  Mr  Allyne,  an 
eminent  counsellor  at  law,  and  spent  the  evening 
with  him,  Dr  Franklin,  Messrs  Lees,  Galloway  (a 
member  of  Parliament),  and  others. 

"  December  llth.  Spent  the  day  and  evening 
at  books. 

"  December  12th.  At  the  desire  of  Lord  Shel- 
burne  (transmitted  by  Dr  Price)  I  waited  on  his 
Lordship,  and  spent  two  hours  in  conversation  on 
American  affairs.  His  Lordship  appeared  a  very 
warm  friend  to  the  Americans,  approved  much  of 
their  conduct  and  spirit,  and  said  if  they  continued 
united  they  must  have  all  they  ask.  He  said  the 
ministry  would  not  be  able  to  carry  on  a  civil  war 
against  America ;  that  they  began  to  hesitate  and 
would  be  obliged  to  give  way. 

"  His  Lordship  confirmed  rny  former  intelligence 
of  Governor  Hutchinson's  assiduity,  assurance, 
and  influence,  but  in  the  end  observed  that  the 
eyes  of  the  nation  and  ministry  must  soon  be  open 
ed.  He  particularly  said  that  Lord  Mansfield,  last 
session,  assured  the  House  of  Lords,  that  the  plan 
they  had  laid  would  go  down  in  America,  sine 


265 

clade ;  and  affirmed  that  he  had  the  best  intelli 
gence  what  might  be  carried  through  there.  Lord 
Shelburne  intimated  that  he  had  no  doubt  Lord 
Mansfield's  opinion  was  grounded  on  Governor 
Hutchinson's  information.  I  had  before  had  a 
very  similar  account  of  Lord  Mansfield's  declar 
ations  in  the  House,  from  Mr  Counsellor  Allyne 
and  Mr  Arthur  Lee. 

"  Went  to  Drury  Lane  theatre,  and  saw  Gar- 
rick  in  Hamlet.  He  is  certainly  the  prince  of 
players  ;  but  also,  most  certainly,  not  without  his 
faults  as  an  orator.  Received  letters  from  W. 
Phillips  Esq.,  and  Mrs  Quincy. 

"  December  13th.  Dined  with  Mr  Hollis, 
brother  to  the  late  benefactor  of  Harvard  College, 

o     7 

with  a  large  circle  of  friends  to  liberty,  and  spent 
the  evening  with  Dr  Franklin. 
"  14th.     Wrote  to  Mrs  Quincy. 


"  London,  December  14,  1774. 
"  My  dear  Friend, 

"  I  have  lately  wrritten  to  you,  by  the  packet, 
two  very   long   letters,  and,  by   some  other  ships, 

three  or  four  more,  upon  politics.     I  therefore  shall 
34 


266 

not  now  resume  the  subject,  any  farther  than  to 
say, — Be  true  to  yourselves. 

"  There  is  not  a  sensible  man  of  either  party 
here,  but  acknowledges  your  ability  to  save  your 
country,  if  you  have  but  union,  courage,  and  per 
severance.  But  your  enemies  pretend  to  be  san 
guine,  that  your  avarice  of  commercial  riches  will 
dissolve  your  union  and  mutual  confidence,  that 
your  boasted  courage  is  but  vapour,  and  that  your 
perseverance  will  be  as  the  morning  cloud. 

"  Let  me  tell  you  one  very  serious  truth,  in 
which  we  are  all  agreed,  your  countrymen  must 
seal  their  cause  with  their  blood.  You  know  how 
often,  and  how  long  ago  I  said  this.  I  see  every 
day  more  and  more  reason  to  confirm  my  opinion. 
I  every  day  find  characters  dignified  by  science, 
rank,  and  station,  of  the  same  sentiment.  Lord 

said  to  me  yesterday, — '  It  is  idle,  it  is 

idle,  Mr ;  this  country  will  never  carry  on 

a  civil  war  against  America,  we  cannot,  but  the 
ministry  hope  to  carry  all  by  a  single  stroke.' 
I  should  be  glad  to  name  the  Lord,  but  think  it  not 
best.  Surely  my  countrymen  will  recollect  the 
words  I  held  to  them  this  time  twelvemonth.  *  It 
is  not,  Mr  Moderator,  the  spirit  that  vapours  with 
in  these  walls  that  must  stand  us  in  stead.  The 


267 

exertions  of  this  day  will  call  forth  events  which 
will  make  a  very  different  spirit  necessary  for  our 
salvation.  Look  to  the  end.  Whoever  supposes 
that  shouts  and  hosannas  will  terminate  the  trials 
of  the  day,  entertains  a  childish  fancy.  We  must 
be  grossly  ignorant  of  the  importance  and  value  of 
the  prize  for  which  we  contend  ; — we  must  be 
equally  ignorant  of  the  powers  of  those  who  have 
combined  against  us  ; — we  must  be  blind  to  that 
malice,  inveteracy,  and  insatiable  revenge,  which 
actuate  our  enemies,  public  and  private,  abroad  and 
in  our  bosom,  to  hope  we  shall  end  this  contro 
versy  without  the  sharpest — the  sharpest  conflicts  ; 
to  flatter  ourselves  that  popular  resolves,  popular 
harangues,  popular  acclamations,  and  popular 
vapour,  will  vanquish  our  foes.  Let  us  consider 
the  issue.  Let  us  look  to  the  end.  Let  us  weigh 
and  consider,  before  we  advance  to  those  measures 
which  must  bring  on  the  most  trying  and  terrible 
struggle,  this  country  ever  saw.' 

"  Hundreds,  I  believe,  will  call  these  words, 
and  many  more  of  the  same  import,  to  remem 
brance.  Hundreds,  who  heretofore  doubted,  are 
long  ere  this  convinced  I  was  right.  The  popu 
lar  sentiments  of  the  day  prevailed  ;  they  advanced 
with  '  resolutions  '  to  hazard  and  abide  the  conse- 


268 

quences.  They  must  now  stand  the  issue, — they 
must  preserve  a  consistency  of  character, — THEY 

MUST  NOT  DELAY, — they  must 

or  be  trodden  into  the  vilest  vassalage,  the  scorn, 
the  spurn  of  their  enemies,  a  by-word  of  infamy 
among  all  men. 

"  In  the  sight  of  God,  and  all  just  men,  the 
cause  is  good ; — we  have  the  wishes  of  the  wise  and 
humane,  we  have  the  prayers  of  the  pious,  and 
the  universal  benison  of  all  who  seek  to  God  for 
direction,  aid,  and  blessing.  I  own  I  feel  for  the 
miseries  of  my  country  ;  I  own  I  feel  much  de 
sire  for  the  happiness  of  my  brethren  in  trouble  ; 
but  why  should  I  disguise,  I  feel,  ineffably,  for  the 
honour, — the  honour,  I  repeat  it, — the  honour  of 
my  country.  Need  I  explain  myself  farther  ? 
When  you  shall  act  agreeably  to  your  past  osten 
tations,  when  you  have  shown  that  you  are,  what 
Englishmen  once  were, — whether  successful  or  not, 
your  foes  will  diminish,  your  friends  amazingly  in 
crease,  and  you  will  be  happy  in  the  peaceful  en 
joyment  of  your  inheritance  ;  or  at  least,  your 
enemies  will,  in  some  measure,  stay  their  intempe 
rate  fury  from  a  reverence  of  your  virtue,  and  a 
fear  of  reanimating  your  courage.  But  if  in  the 
trial,  you  prove,  as  your  enemies  say,  arrant  pol- 


269 

trons  and  cowards,  how  ineffably  contemptible 
will  you  appear ;  how  wantonly  and  superlatively 
will  you  be  abused  and  insulted  by  your  triumph 
ing  oppressors  ! 

"  Will  you  believe  it  ?  I  took  up  my  pen  with 
a  design  only  of  saying  that  the  mail  for  the 
December  packet  was  staid  from  Wednesday 
to  Saturday,  for  no  apparent  reason,  because 
Parliament  had  not  the  affairs  of  America  under 
consideration  ;  therefore  it  is  generally  believed  that 
it  was  to  inspect  all  letters.  If  so,  two  of  mine 
are  in  the  hands  of  the  ministry.  I  have  received 
your  letter  of  the  1 7th  of  October,  and  your  father's 
of  the  same  date.  Lord  North  has,  I  hear,  given 
out  that  I  have  my  price.  Tell  my  father  that  Dr 
Franklin  is  my  great  friend  and  daily  companion. 

"  Adieu." 


JOURNAL  CONTINUED. 

"December  14th.  Spent  the  evening  with 
Mr  Sayre,  in  company  with  Dr  Franklin  and 
others.  In  the  course  of  conversation  Dr  Frank 
lin  said,  that  more  than  sixteen  years  ago,  long 
before  any  dispute  with  America,  the  present 
Lord  Camden,  then  Mr  Pratt,  said  to  him,  <  For 


270 

all  what  you  Americans  say  of  your  loyalty,  and 
all  that,  I  know  you  will  one  day  throw  off  your 
dependence  on  this  country  ;  and  notwithstanding 
your  boasted  affection  for  it,  you  will  set  up  for 
independence.3  Dr  Franklin  said,  that  he  assured 
him  no  such  idea  W7as  entertained  by  the  Ameri 
cans,  nor  will  any  such  ever  enter  their  heads, 
unless  you  grossly  abuse  them.  l  Very  true,'  re 
plied  Mr  Pratt,  4  that  is  one  of  the  main  causes  I 
see  will  happen,  and  will  produce  the  event.' 

"  December  15th.  Breakfasted  with  Sir  George 
Saville,  and  spent  three  hours  with  him,  and  two 
other  members  of  Parliament. 

"  Dined  with  Mr  Towgood,  with  a  large  circle 
of  warm  friends  to  America. 

"  December  16th.  Attended  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  heard  a  debate  on  American  affairs. 
Heard  Lord  North  explain  what  he  meant,  when 
he  said,  '  he  would  have  America  at  his  feet.' 
Heard  also  Lord  Clare,  Governor  Johnson,  Mr 
Rigby,  Charles  Fox,  Mr  Hartley,  Mr  Cruger  (his 
first  essay),  and  others,  in  the  course  of  the  debate. 

"  Supped,  at  the  request  of  Alderman  Oliver, 
with  Mr  Rose  Fuller,*  and  several  members  of 

*  Mr  Rose  Fuller.— See  Burke's  speech  on  "  Conciliation 
with  America,"  page  3. 


Parliament,  at  the  King's  Arms  tavern,  where  I 
spent  the  evening  in  conversation  on  political  sub 
jects,  affecting  the  colonies. 

"N.  B.  Mr  Rose  Fuller  told  me  his  late 
election  cost  him  ten  thousand  pounds  sterling,  and 
more  ! 

"  Wrote  a  letter  to  Mrs  Quincy. 


"London,  December  16,  1774. 
"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  Permit  me  to  congratulate  my  countrymen 
on  the  integrity  and  wisdom  with  which  the  con 
gress  have  conducted.  Their  policy,  spirit,  and 
union  have  confounded  their  foes,  and  inspired 
their  friends.  All  parties  agree  in  giving  them  a 
tribute  of  honor  and  applause.  I  have  this  mo 
ment  attended  a  desultory,  despicable,  because 
trifling,  debate,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  relative 
to  America.  My  Loid  North  apologized  for,  and 
endeavoured  to  explain  away,  his  expression,  '  I 
will  have  America  at  rry  feet.'  The  important 
questions  relative  to  America  will  not  be  agitated 
till  after  the  holidays  are  over.  There  is  great 
talk,  and  much  hope  and  fear  about  you,  and  your 
friends  seem  to  intend  pressing  a  suspension  for 


272 

three  years,  of  all  acts  made  since  1 764  relative  to 
the  colonies.  Your  stanch  friends  say,  4  If  they 
are  unjust,  repeal  them  ;  we  then  shall  treat  with 
you  as  friends.  At  all  hazards  recall  your  troops, 
for  we  will  not  treat  with  the  sword  at  our  breast.' 
"  Be  the  event  as  it  may,  continue  true  to  your 
selves,  and  the  day  is  your  own.  If  they  only 
suspend — do  not,  for  heaven's  sake,  think  of  relax 
ing  your  agreements,  while  you  are  treating.  Be 
ware  of  the  arts  of  negotiation  ;  the  ministry  are 
adepts  in  them  ;  at  least  they  are  skilled  in  the 
science  of  corruption.  By  the  way,  there  is  no 
doubt  but  the  ministry  sent  large  sums  to  New 
York,  in  order  to  bribe  the  continental  delegates. 
It  was  openly  avowed  and  vindicated,  and  great 
boast  was  made  of  ministerial  success.  It  was 
said  that  they  had  effected  a  disunion  which 
would  be  fatal  to  the  cause  of  all  America.  You 
cannot  wrell  imagine  the  chagrin  with  which  the 
ministry  received  the  result  of  that  glorious  body. 
They  are  viewed  as  the  northern  constellation  of 
glorious  worthies,  illuminating  and  warming  the 
new  world.  I  feel  a  pride  in  being  an  American. 
Neither  my  affection  nor  zeal,  in  any  degree,  abates 
in  the  cause  of  my  injured  country.  I  have  just 
supped,  and  spent  the  evening  with  a  circle  of 


273 

about  a  dozen  influential  members  of  the  House  of 
Commons.     But  whether  I  see  them  in  the  house, 
or  out  of  it,  they  appear     *      *      *      *      *      * 
not    fit    to    represent    the    inhabitants    of    North 
America. 

"  I  should  be  glad  to  be  informed,  whether,  in 
case  a  suspension  of  the  acts  takes  place,  my 
friends  would  choose  my  continuance  on  this  side 
the  water.  If  they  choose  me  to  be  with  them,  I 
will  repair  to  my  standard,  when  they  shall  com 
mand. 

"  The  watchmen  remind  me  that  it  is  morning. 
********* 

"  Yours. 

"  Dr  Price  desires  his  very  warm  thanks  to  Dr 
Winthrop  for  his  letter,  which  has  been  read  in 
Parliament,  and  did  much  good.  Dr  Winthrop's 
name  was  concealed.  Dr  Price  says,  Dr  Chauncy 
is  in  his  debt.  Few,  if  any,  are  better  men  than 
Dr  Price." 


JOURNAL     CONTINUED. 

"  December  ]  7th.     Wrote  to  Mr  McDougall  at 
New  York.     Inclosed  to  him  my  two  last  letters. 
Received    Mr    Reed's  letter    from    Philadelphia. 
35 


274 

Spent  the  morning  and  afternoon  in  writing  :  and 
the  evening  with  Dr  Franklin,  Arthur  Lee,  and 
Dr  Bancroft.  Wrote  a  very  long  letter  to  Joseph 
Reed  Esq. 

46  December    18th.       Spent    the    Sabbath    at 
Islington,  with  Mr  Bromfield. 

"  December  19th.  Wrote  a  letter  to  Mrs 
Quincy  and  enclosed  the  rough  draft  of  my  letter 
to  Joseph  Reed  Esq.  of  Philadelphia. 


TO   JOSPEH   REED    ESQ.    PHILADELPHIA. 

"  London^  December  J  7,  1774. 
u  Respected  and  dear  Sir, 

"  Your  favour  of  the  4th  of  November  came 
to  hand  this  moment,  and  to  show  my  sense  of 
the  obligation  without  any  delay,  I  transmit  an 
answer  with  my  thanks. 

"  The  importance  of  a  great  cause,  and  the 
rising  events  of  every  day,  demand  a  mutual  and 
unremitting  intercourse  of  intelligence,  sentiments, 
and  counsels,  among  the  friends  of  America  and 
mankind.  Believe  me,  sir,  there  is  a  very  culpa 
ble  negligence  in  this  regard  on  both  sides  the 
water  ;  and  I  know  of  no  excuse  but  what  betrays 
a  want  of  zeal,  and  a  timidity,  unworthy  of  men 
engaged  jn  so  glorious  a  contest. 

O     O  c5 


275 

"  The  information  you  give  relative  to  the  Ne\v 
York  deputies  was  the  least  we  expected.  The 
ministry,  it  is  confidently  said,  and  universally  be 
lieved,  had  beenlavish  of  monies  in  that  quarter 
to  foment  discord.  Nay,  their  setters  and  tools 
have  made  great  vaunts  of  unexampled  success 
with  the  great  men  of  that  city.  Our  coffee 
houses  were  lately  filled  with  scoffs  at  American 
virtue,  and  they  boasted  of  success  in  creating  a 
fatal  disunion  in  our  great  sanhedrim,  with  a  con 
fidence  that  gained  much  credit.  Did  you  but 
know  the  chagrin  that  took  place  on  the  arrival  of 
the  result  of  the  congress,  it  would  gratify  your 
keenest  sensations.  Be  assured  that  august  body 
have  done  a  lasting  service  to  their  country,  and 
that  they  are  paid  the  well  earned  tribute  of  hon 
our  and  applause,  even  by  their  rankest  enemies. 
They  are  considered  as  a  constellation  of  the 
first  worthies  of  our  hemisphere  :  their  influence 
is  not  confined  to  the  circle  of  an  American  world, 
but  they  burn  with  a  splendour,  that  illuminates 
and  warms  the  continent  of  Europe.  God  grant, 
that  many  such  glorious  luminaries  may  shine  in 
everlasting  splendour,  the.  honour  and  blessing  of 
their  country,  and  of  mankind  ! 


276 

"  Did  the  inhabitants  of  New  York,  and  es 
pecially  their  delegates,  know  of  what  easy  virtue 
they  have  been  represented  in  this  city,  they 
would  become  patriots  from  indignation,  if  not 
from  virtue. 

"  What  greater  blast  could  be  thrown  on  the 
reputation,  than  to  suggest  that  a  little  gold  had 
made  Americans  sacrifice  their  country  to  the 
worst  men,  in  the  worst  of  times  ?  But  when 
you  hear  this  suggestion  extended  to  the  elevated 
character  of  men  appointed  guardians  of  the 
people, — good  God  !  how  hateful  the  idea  ! 

"  Did  our  worthy  brethren  of  New  York  know 
all  that  is  daily  said  of  them  in  this  great  world, 
and  the  confidence  wTith  which  the  tale  is  told, 
they  would  be  singularly  touched ;  they  would 
be  careful  to  have  all  party  spirit  cease,  and  let 
their  conduct  give  the  lie  to  their  defarners. 
Sure  I  am,  that  the  ministry  have  no  where  such 
sanguine  hopes  of  a  defection  as  from  that  quar 
ter  ; — their  influence  is  no  where  so  forcibly  ex 
tended,  and  it  is  certain  they  will  be  astonishingly 
disappointed  if  they  do  not  find  a  sensibility  to 
their  touch.  Our  brethren  of  New  York  have  an 
opportunity  to  display  more  virtue,  and  do  more 
real  service  to  the  great  cause  of  liberty,  than 


277 

perhaps  any  Americans,  on  that  side  of  New 
England.  But  New  England  in  my  opinion  is 
the  great  field  for  the  first  and  most  heroic 
virtues.  Should  administration  be  disappointed 
in  exciting  discord  and  defection  in  New  York, 
they  will  sink  with  shame  and  despondency. 

"  There  was  last  Friday,  a  little  play  in  the 
House  upon  American  subjects.  I  attended  to 
see  the  actors,  and  was  confirmed  in  nothing 
more,  than  that  English  players  are  no  represent 
atives  of  American  heroes.  However,  this  might 
be  only  the  rehearsal,  and  at  the  exhibition  soon 
after  the  holy-days,  the  actors  may  display  their 
talents  to  more  advantage.  But  brilliant  as  im 
agination  can  figure  the  splendid  actors  on  this 
august  theatre,  I  shall  not  substantially  alter  my 
opinion  of  the  heroes  of  the  drama. 

"  The  ministry  had  never  so  difficult  a  task 
before, — they  are  plunged.  The  emotions  of 
chagrin  and  resentment  most  conspicuously  mark 
their  countenance  and  conduct.  The  nation  are 
viewing  the  present  crisis,  with  equal  anxiety  as 
the  Americans.  All  Europe  have  their  eyes  fixed 
on  the  important  conflict. 

"  How  elevated   then  must  be  the  feelings  of 

o 

an  American,  who  sees  his  countrymen  distinguish 


278 

themselves  as  wise  and  virtuous,  calm  and 
brave  ;  rising  in  the  estimation  of  all  mankind,  as 
the  illustrious  remnant  of  the  sons  of  freedom. 
You  see,  my  worthy  friend,  that  the  glitter  of  a 
court  hath  not  yet  fascinated  me  with  its  splen 
dour, — nor  the  corruption  of  Britain  made  me  an 
apostate  from  the  cause  of  my  country. 

"  The  pageantry  1  see  here  makes  me  every 
day  more  attached  to  the  simplicity  of  my  native 
soil  ;  and  while  I  hourly  survey  the  extended 
miseries  of  enormous  wealth  and  power,  I  W7arm 
with  more  enthusiastic  fervour  in  the  cause  of 
freedom  and  my  country  ; — and  in  what  cause 
ought  the  pulse  of  man  to  beat  with  a  more  full 
and  genial  current  ?  If  intemperance  is  at  any 
time  a  venial  fault,  it  must  be  when  mighty  op 
pressors,  shielded  with  the  forms  of  law,  and 
defended  by  the  arm  of  power,  spread  misery 
over  a  happy  land,  with  wantonness  and  insult. 
But  I  desist  from  the  contemplation  of  this  hate 
ful  subject,  lest  the  contagion  of  intemperance 
prove  infectious  to  my  friend. 

"  Lord  North,  on  Friday  last,  had  hard  work 
to  apologize  for,  and  explain  away,  his  vapouring 
expression, — '  I  will  have  America  at  my  feet.' 
Lord  Camden,  in  the  House  of  Lords,  on  the 


279 

day  before,  said,  *  Were  I  an  American,  I  would 
resist  to  the  last  drop  of  my  blood." 

"  Let  me  tell  you  a  great  truth,  which  ought 
at  this,  and  every  future  day,  to  have  much 
weight  and  influence  in  America.  Few  men  are 
more  ill-disposed  towards  that  continent,  than 
those  who  are  under  the  greatest  obligations  to  it. 
Thus  the  commercial  world,  like  the  political, 
gives  us  striking  instances  of  favourites  of  Amer 
ica,  who  have  among  them  the  most  sanguine 
conspirators  against  her  public  happiness.  Nay, 
some  who  ought  to  have  America  inscribed  on 
their  furniture  and  equipages,  and  gratitude  to 
that  country  written  on  their  hearts,  have  uttered 
the  bitterest  things  against  it,  with  licensed  free 
dom  and  insidious  industry.  It  is  true  they  now 
are  about  calling  a  meeting  to  petition  Parlia 
ment  in  favour  of  the  colonies  ;  but  is  an  ideot  at 
a  loss  to  discern  the  motive  ?  The  manufactur 
ers  also  are  on  the  move.  If  Americans  continue 
firm  to  themselves,  they  will  not  only  have  the  hon 
our  and  reward  of  emancipating  themselves  ;  but 
even  a  whole  kingdom,  roused  by  their  example, — 
brought  to  feel,  by  American  economy,  and  fired 
by  a  thousand  wrongs,  may,  peradventure,  be 
brought  once  more  to  think  a  little  of  those  great 
subjects,  national  justice,  freedom,  and  happiness. 


280 

"  But  by  no  means  entertain  an  idea  that  com 
mercial  plans,  founded  on  commercial  principles, 
are  to  be  engines  of  your  freedom,  or  the  security 
of  your  felicity.  Far  different  are  the  weapons 
with  which  oppression  is  repelled  ;  far  more  noble 
the  sentiments  and  actions,  which  secure  liberty 
and  happiness  to  man. 

"  The  friends  of  America  in  the  House  of  Com 
mons  are  now  concerting  a  plan  for  carrying  a 
suspension  of  all  acts  made  since  the  year  1764 
relative  to  America,  for  three  years,  in  which 
time,  it  is  said,  both  sides  may  cool,  and  they  may 
then  think  seriously  of  negotiation  and  compro 
mise.  I  think  it  was  Hannibal  who  said,  '  We 
treat  with  arms  in  our  hands.'  Now  whether  the 
weapons  of  our  warfare  be  commercial,  or  mar 
tial,  methinks  we  should  not  suddenly  lay  them 
down,  lest  we  not  only  lose  the  use  of  them,  but 
become  so  broken  for  want  of  daily  discipline,  as 
that  we  shall  not  easily  embody  again,  in  so  unit 
ed  and  formidable  a  band.  Besides,  the  arts  of 
negotiation  are  much  better  understood  in  Europe 
than  America,  and  great  statesmen  sometimes  pre 
tend  to  negotiate,  when  they  only  mean  to  corrupt. 
The  economy  or  religion  of  British  ministers 
will  not  restrain  them  from  an  essay  upon  those 


281 

colony  virtues,  which,  should  they  prove  of  easy 
impression,  might  hazard  mighty  blessings. 

"  Let  our  countrymen  therefore  well  consider 
how  much  a  British  ministry,  as  well  as  them 
selves,  have  at  stake.  No  arms,  no  arts,  no  plots, 
or  conspiracies  will  be  thought  unlawful  weapons. 
Let  them  look  all  around  them,  and  be  on  their 
guard  at  every  point.  The  blessings  of  the 
wise,  and  the  prayers  of  the  pious,  universally  at 
tend  you  ;  even  throughout  this  nation. 

"  My  dear  sir,  before  I  close,  I  cannot,  forbear 
telling  you  that  I  look  to  my  countrymen  with  the 
feelings  of  one,  who  verily  believes  they  must  yet 
seal  their  faith  and  constancy  to  their  liberties, 
with  blood.  This  is  a  distressing  witness  indeed  ! 
But  hath  not  this  ever  been  the  lot  of  humanity  ? 
Hath  not  blood  and  treasure  in  all  ages  been  the 
price  of  civil  liberty  ?  Can  Americans  hope  a  re 
versal  of  the  laws  of  our  nature,  and  that  the  best 
of  blessings  will  be  obtained  and  secured  with 
out  the  sharpest  trials  ? 

"  Adieu,  my  friend, — my  heart  is  with  you,  and 
whenever  my  countrymen  command,  my  person 
shall  be  also. 

"  Tell  your  worthy  friend,   Mr   Dickinson,   I 
flattered  myself  with  hopes  of  his  counsels  wfhile 
36 


282 

in  this  world  of  trial.  Tell  that  good  man, 
George  Clymer,  if  I  did  not  love  him  too  much,  I 
should  call  him  an  apostate  from  his  professions 
and  promises.  Believe  me  with  great  truth  and 
equal  esteem  your  affectionate  friend. 

"  JOSIAH  QuiNCY  JUN." 


TO   MRS     QUINCY. 

London,  December  19,  1774. 
"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  I  have  so  much  to  do,  that  instead  of  writ 
ing  to  you,  or  any  of  my  friends,  I  transmit  the 
rough  draft  of  my  letter  to  Mr  Reed.  It  contains 
all  I  wish  to  say  to  you  at  this  time  on  political 
subjects. 

"  Gratitude,  love,  and  affection  fill  my  heart 
towards  my  country,  and  so  many  of  my  personal 
friends,  that  I  must  transmit  my  whole  soul  to 
them,  before  I  can  do  justice  to  myself.  There 
fore,  in  one  word,  to  all  my  friends  say, — that  I 
love,  honour,  and  revere  them  as  much  as  ever, 
that  I  am  the  same  man  as  when  I  abode  with 
them  beyond  the  great  waters. 


283 

"As   to   you,    my   dear  friend,    I    trust    that 
nothing  will  ever  be  more  acceptable  to  you   than 
to  be  assured  that  I  am  still  the  same. 
*        *•*•*#       •*•*•*          TO 


JOURNAL  CONTINUED. 

"December  19,  1774.  Wrote  a  letter  to  Al 
exander  McDougall  of  New  York,  enclosing  to 
him  my  six  last  letters.  Dined  with  colonel 
Boyd,  in  company  with  three  members  of  Parlia 
ment,  two  or  three  of  the  bar,  and  several  other 
gentlemen. 

"  Spent  the  evening  with  Dr  Franklin.  This 
evening  received  a  letter  from  John  Dickinson 
Esq.  of  Philadelphia.* 

"  December  20th.  Wrote  an  answer  to  Mr 
Dickinson  and  sent  it  to  Mr  McDougall  by  the 
same  conveyance. 

"  Dined  with  Mr  Dilly,  in  a  large  circle  of 
friends. 

"  December  21st.  Spent  the  morning  at  home, 
— visited  by  Mr  Hartley,  member  of  Parliament. 
Dined  at  the  Cecil  coffee-house. 


*  <* 


See  page  192. 


284 

"  Spent  the  evening  at  Covent  Garden  theatre, 
where  was  presented  'Jane  Shore,'  and  Milton's 
'Masque  of  Comus.'  Mr  and  Mrs  Barry  per 
formed  well;— Mrs  Hartley  better.  'Comus' 
was  altered  much  for  the  worse,  and  no  part  was 
performed  well,  but  the  part  by  Miss  Catley. 

"  December  22d.  Breakfasted  with  Mr  Hart 
ley  above  named, — spent  about  two  hours  in 
conversation  on  American  affairs,  and  afterwards 
a  like  space  of  time  with  Rose  Fuller  Esq.,  an 
other  member  of  the  House.  Spent  the  residue  of 
the  day  and  evening  at  the  London  coffee-house, 
with  the  Wednesday-night  club  of  «  Friends  to 
Liberty  and  Science.'  A  question  was  debated, 
by  assignment,  <  Whether  capital  punishments  are, 
in  any  case,  warrantable  or  right.' 

"  Mr  Inspector  Williams  called  on  me,  and 
assured  me  that  Governor  Hutchhison  was  a  most 
inveterate  and  indefatigable  enemy  against  me, 
with  the  ministry  ;  and  very  broadly  intimated 
that  Lord  Dartmouth  and  Lord  North  had  both 
told  him  so. 

"  Received  two  letters  of  the  25th  and  27th  of 
October  last,  from  my  good  friend  Joseph  Reed 
Esq.  of  Philadelphia.*  Wrote  to  Mrs  Quincy." 

*  See  page    189. 


285 

"  London,  December  22,  1774. 
"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  I  have  lately  written  to  you  so  many 
letters,  that  there  is  less  need  of  my  now  resum 
ing  the  pen.  But  the  ship  by  which  I  have 
written  several  letters  being  unexpectedly  delayed, 
I  embrace  the  opportunity  of  saying  a  few  words 
more.  I  this  day  have  spent  six  hours  with  four 
very  influential  members  of  the  House  of  Com 
mons.  I  have  as  yet  heard  or  seen  nothing  to 
alter  my  sentiments  of  the  duty  of  my  country 
men,  since  I  so  fully  wrote  my  opinion  of  the 
part  they  ought  to  act.  But  the  facts,  which  the 
before  mentioned  gentlemen  assured  me  of,  were, 
the  infinite  perplexities  of  the  ministry,  and  the 
general  commotion  now  beginning  to  take  place 
among  the  merchants  and  manufacturers.  Indeed 
if  it  was  not  for  the  treachery  and  base  designs 
of  certain  merchants  trading  to  the  colonies,  the 
manufacturers  would  long  ago  have  been  clamor 
ous  in  your  favour.  I  was  shown  two  letters  to 
two  of  the  first  manufacturing  towns,  written  by 
their  member  now  in  Parliament,  which  I  have 
his  promise  to  give  me  a  copy  of  in  a  few  days. 
As  soon  as  I  receive  these  copies,  I  shall  transmit 
them,  and  they  will  give  you  great  insight  into 


286 

the  commotions  now  beginning  to  take  place. 
Only  be  men  of  common  integrity  and  common 
sense,  and  you  will  do  wonders.  People  here 
have  no  idea  that  any  body  of  men  can  be 
virtuous, — but  surely  you  have  common  sense, 
and  if  you  have,  pride  will  keep  you  from  any 
infraction  of  your  agreements. 

"  You  see  I  write  in  so  much  haste,  that  I  can 
only  hint  a  sentiment ;  and  must  leave  you  to  col 
lect  the  full  import  of  what,  if  I  had  time  and 
leisure,  I  should  be  glad  to  say.  But  I  should  be 
glad  that  my  friends  would  be  deliberating,  and 
corresponding  upon  what  part  to  take,  in  case 
Parliament  suspend  all  the  acts  enumerated  by 
the  Congress,  or  repeal  the  Tea  Act  and  the 
three  acts  relative  to  the  Massachusetts  Bay  and 
Boston. 

"  Your  Parliamentary  friends  say,  «  Snatch  the 
opportunity  for  peace  and  reconciliation.5  Your 
sanguine  and  warm  partizans  say,  you  '  are  united 
and  inspired  now ;  circumstances  that  may  never 
happen  again.'  Seize  the  glorious,  happy  oppor 
tunity,  for  establishing  the  freedom  and  social 
felicity  of  all  America  !  «  There  is  a  tide  in  the 
affairs  of  men.'  God  direct  you  ! 


287 


JOURNAL  CONTINUED. 

"  December  23d.  Passed  the  evening  with 
Dr  Franklin. 

"  December  24th.  Dined  with  Mr  Vaughan, 
and  went  to  Wanstead  and  kept  Christmas. 

"  December  27th.  Returned  from  Mr 
Vaughan's,  and  dined  in  company  with  a  circle 
of  friends  at  Mr  Dillj's.  This  evening  went  to 
Cox's  museum,  which  exhibits  the  most  superb 
piece  of  mechanism  in  the  world. 

**  December  28th.  Visited  by  Governor  Pow- 
nall,  Mr  Thornton,  &c.  &c.  Spent  the  afternoon 
and  evening  in  preparing  for  a  tour  to  Bath,  with 
Mr  Arthur  Lee  and  Mr  Williams. 

"  December  29th.  Set  off  with  Mr  Williams 
and  Mr  Arthur  Lee  for  Bath. 

"  December  30th.  Visited  Dr  Priestley  at 
Calne,  and  was  received  very  politely.  Visited 
Lord  Shelburne  at  his  superb  seat  at  Bow-wood. 
1  was  very  much  urged  to  spend  the  day  and  night 
by  his  Lordship,  but  declined  the  invitation,  and 
proceeded  to  Bath,  where  I  arrived  at  five  o'clock, 
and  then  went  to  a  grand  ball  at  the  lower  rooms. 

"  December  31st.  Visited  the  celebrated  Mrs 
Macaulay  ; — delivered  my  letters  to  her,  and  was 
favoured  with  a  conversation  of  about  an  hour 


288 

and  a  half,  in  which  I  was  much  pleased  with 
her  good  sense  and  liberal  turn  of  mind. 

"  Was  attended  by  Hon.  J.  Temple  to  see  the 
Circus,  the  Crescent,  and  other  places  of  public 
resort  at  Bath.  Then  I  took  a  walk  of  about 
two  hours,  round  at  a  distance  from  the  town  ; 
where,  on  the  hills  encircling  this  splendid  city, 
I  had  a  most  enchanting  prospect. 

"January  1,  1775.  Had  half  an  hour's  con 
versation,  at  the  pump-room,  with  the  celebrated 
Col.  Barre,  on  American  affairs.  Went  to  hear 
divine  service  performed  at  the  Abbey  church  in 
this  city.  Went  also  to  the  several  coffee-houses 
of  public  resort,  where  I  had  an  opportunity  of 
seeing  much  of  the  manners  of  people  at  Bath. 
Dined  with  Mr  Temple,  and  spent  the  evening 
with  him.  Received  a  very  polite  billet  from 
Mrs  Macaulay  to  spend  a  few  hours  with  her  on 
the  morrow,  or  Wednesday. 

"  January  2d.  Was  visited  by  the  Hon.  Mr 
Temple,  who  spent  an  hour  with  me.  Went 
again  over  Bath,  in  order  to  review  the  buildings. 
Spent  the  afternoon  with  Mrs  Macaulay,  and 
went  in  the  evening  to  a  ball  at  the  new  rooms, 
which  was  full  and  very  splendid.  The  rooms 
are  very  elegant,  and  the  paintings  which  cover 


289 

the   windows,    taken  from    the    draughts  of   the 
figures  found  at  the  ruins  of  Herculaneum,    have 

o 

a  fine  effect.  This  evening  I  had  two  hours' 
conversation  with  Colonel  Barre,  arid  from  him  I 
learned  that  he  was  once  the  friend  of  Mr  Hutch- 
inson  in  opposition  to  Governor  Pownall,  but  that 
he  had  for  a  long  time,  and  especially  since  his 
last  arrival  in  England,  wholly  deserted  him. 
Col.  Barre,  while  we  were  viewing  the  pictures 
taken  from  ruins  found  at  Herculaneum,  said,  '  I 
hope  you  have  not  the  books  containing  the 
draughts  of  those  ruins  with  you.'  I  replied, 
there  was  one  set,  I  believed,  in  the  public  library 
at  our  college.  «  Keep  them  there,'  said  he,  <  and 
they  may  be  of  some  service  as  a  matter  of  curi 
osity  for  the  speculative,  but  let  them  get  abroad, 
and  you  are  ruined.  They  will  infuse  a  taste  for 
buildings  and  sculpture,  and  when  a  people  get  a 
taste  for  the  fine  arts,  they  are  ruined.  'T  is  taste 
that  ruins  whole  kingdoms  ; — 't  is  taste  that  de 
populates  whole  nations.  I  could  not  help  weep 
ing  when  I  surveyed  the  ruins  of  Rome.  All 
the  remains  of  Roman  grandeur  are  of  works, 
which  were  finished  when  Rome  and  the  spirit  of 
Romans  were  no  more, — unless  I  except  the  ruins 
of  the  Emilian  baths.  Mr  Quincy,  let  your 
37 


290 

countrymen   beware   of   taste  in   their  buildings, 
equipage,  and  dress,  as  a  deadly  poison.' 

"  Col.  Barre  also  added  in  the  course  of  con 
versation,  '  About  fifteen  years  ago,  I  was  through 
a  considerable  part  of  your  country  ; — for  in  the 
expedition  against  Canada,  my  business  called 
me  to  pass  by  land  through  Pennsylvania,  New 
Jersey,  New  York,  and  Albany.  When  I  return 
ed  again  to  this  country,  I  was  often  speaking 
of  America,  and  could  not  help  speaking  well 
of  its  climate,  soil,  and  inhabitants ;  for  you 
must  know,  sir,  America  was  always  a  favourite 
with  me  ;  but  will  you  believe  it,  sir,  yet  I  assure 
you  it  is  true,  more  than  two  thirds  of  this  island 
at  that  time  thought  the  Americans  were  all 
negroes  ! ' 

"  I  replied  I  did  not  in  the  least  doubt  it,  for 
that  if  I  was  to  judge  by  the  late  acts  of  Parlia 
ment,  I  should  suppose  that  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  still  thought  so ; — for  I 
found  that  their  representatives  still  treated  them 
as  such.  He  smiled,  and  the  discourse  dropped. 
— Col.  Barre  was  among  those  who  voted  for  the 
Boston  Port  Bill. 

"  January  3d.     Agreeably  to  the  polite  invita 
tion  of  Lord  Shelburne,  I  took  a  post-chaise,  and 


291 

went  from  Bath  to  his  lordship's  magnificent  seat 
at  Bow- wood. 

"  I  met  Lord  Shelburne  walking  alone,  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  his  mansion-house,  and 
alighted  to  walk  with  him  over  his  grounds.  His 
lordship  politely  walked  into  the  fields  to  show 
me  several  newly  invented  ploughs,  and  other  like 
curiosities.  He  next  called  his  shepherd,  and  we 
viewed  his  flock  of  a  thousand  sheep  ;  and  then 
proceeded  to  a  place  where  were  found  many 
remains  of  Roman  art  ;  such  as  paved  ways,  gold 
and  copper  coins,  medals,  ruins  of  their  baths, 
&c.  &c.  We  then  viewed  the  artificial  lake,  &c. 
&c.  When  we  arrived  at  the  house,  we  were 
regaled  with  a  very  sumptuous  table  and  very 
fine  wines.  His  lordship's  two  only  children 
are  very  promising  sons,  the  one  about  eleven, 
the  other  seven  years  of  age.  They  are  educated 
in  the  best  manner,  and  seem  very  sprightly 
geniuses.  They  took  leave  of  the  company,  on 
departing  for  bed,  with  much  grace  and  propriety. 
With  his  lordship  I  went  over  his  splendid  build 
ings,  gardens,  &c.  &c.  Every  thing  is  great 
and  truly  noble  ;  surpassing  any  idea  that  I  can 
convey  by  my  description. 


292 

"  Lord  Shelburne  repeatedly  assured  me,  he 
should  take  the  tour  of  America  with  his  two 
sons  as  soon  as  they  were  a  little  older.  He 
seemed  to  be  very  much  in  earnest  about  the 
matter. 

"  January  4th.  Although  much  pressed  by 
Lord  Shelburne  to  spend  another  night  with  him, 
I  set  off  for  Bath,  after  having  taken  a  review  of 
his  lordship's  fine  paintings,  library,  &c.  Lord 
Shelburne's  politeness  and  hospitality  deserve  my 
gratitude  and  applause. 

"  Arrived  at  Bath  towards  evening,  went  to 
see  Mr  Temple,  and  afterwards  concluded  the 
evening  by  attending  the  lecture  of  the  celebrated 
George  Alexander  Stevens. 

"January  5th.  Set  off  from  Bath,  and  arrived 
at  Bristol,  about  twelve  o'clock.  Went  to  view 
the  exchange  and  other  public  edifices ;  after 
which  I  drank  tea  and  spent  the  evening  with 
Mr  Joseph  Waldo,  who  received  me  with  much 
cordial  hospitality. 

"  January  6th.  Went  over  to  Clifton,  and  view 
ed  the  celebrated  grotto  and  water-works  of  Mr 
Goldney.  The  view  from  Clifton  Hill  is  one  of 
the  finest  I  ever  saw.  WTent  to  the  Hot  Wells, 
and  drank  the  waters,  and  then  returned  through 


293 

the  Park  to  Bristol.  Dined  with  Mr  Waldo,  and 
spent  the  evening  in  company  with  Mr  Cruger, 
and  Colonel  Gorham,  at  the  American  coffee 
house. 

"  January  7th.  Went  to  view  the  several  glass 
manufactories,  and  also  a  shalloon  manufactory,  in 
Bristol.  Viewed  also  Radcliffe  church,  built  by 
the  Knights  Templars,  and  its  three  famous  paint 
ings.  After  which  I  took  another  tour  round  this 
second  commercial  city  in  the  kingdom.  Wrote 
to  John  Dickinson  Esq.  Wrote  to  Mrs  Quincy 
by  Captain  Caldwell,  who  engages  to  deliver  my 
letter  with  his  own  hand. 


TO   MRS   QUINCF. 


"Bristol,  January  7,  1775. 
"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  The  holy-days  have  been  improved  by  me  in 
visiting   Bath,   Bristol,   and   some   manufacturing 

o 

towns  in  the  vicinity.  Did  Americans  realize 
their  commercial  powers,  spirit  and  obstinacy 
would  characterize  their  future  measures.  Had 
the  non-exportation  agreement  been  appointed  to 
commence  on  the  first  of  March,  Britain  would 


294 

ere  this  have  been  in  popular  convulsions.  This 
is  the  sentiment  even  of  adversaries. 

"  The  manufacturing  towns  are  now  in  motion, 
and  petitions  to  Parliament  to  repeal  the  late  acts 
on  commercial  principles,  will  flow  from  all  quar 
ters.  London  is  setting  the  example,  which  this 
city  and  other  manufacturing  towns  are  preparing 
to  follow. 

"  The  commonalty  of  this  kingdom  are  grossly 
ignorant ;  the  tools  of  the  ministry,  for  their  re 
ward,  are  incessantly  retailing  the  same  stale 
falsehoods,  and  the  same  weak  reasonings  every 
day.  The  consequences  are  easily  conceived. 
The  people  of  this  country  must  be  made  to  feel 
the  importance  of  their  American  brethren.  If 
the  colonies  have  one  spark  of  virtue,  in  less  than 
a  twelvemonth  Britain  must  feel  at  every  nerve. 
Believe  me,  the  commonalty  of  America  are 
statesmen,  philosophers,  and  heroes,  compared 
with  the  '  many  '  of  Great  Britain.  With  the 
former  you  may  reason, — the  latter  you  must 
drive.  I  have  endeavoured  to  study  the  character 
of  both  countries  ;  this  sentiment  is  the  result  of 
my  observations. 

"  1  have  lately  read  various  letters  from  several 
inland  manufacturers  to  their  mercantile  corres- 


295 

pendents,  and  I  find  that  the  '  address  '  to  the 
people  of  this  country,  hath  wrought,  and  is  still 
working  wonders. 

"  Oh !  my  dear  friend  !  my  heart  beats  high 
in  the  cause  of  my  country.  Their  safety,  their 
honour,  their  all  is  at  stake !  I  see  America 
placed  in  that  great  t  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men, 
which,  taken  at  the  flood,  leads  on  to  fortune.' 
Oh !  snatch  the  glorious  opportunity.  Oh !  for 
a  '  warning  voice,' — or  our  lives  are  bound  in 
vassalage  and  misery. 

"  The  ministry,  I  am  well  satisfied,  are  quite 
undetermined  as  to  the  course  they  must  take 
with  regard  to  America.  They  will  put  off  the 
final  resolutions  to  the  last  moment.  I  know  not, 
and,  any  further  than  mere  humanky  dictates,  / 
care  not,  what  part  they  take.  If  my  own  coun 
trymen  deserve  to  be  free — they  will  be  free.  If, 
born  free,  they  are  contented  to  be  slaves,  e'en 
let  them  bear  their  burdens. 

"  You  must  know  that  I  am  a  perfect  infidel,  in 
matters  of  mercantile  virtue.  It  will  not  therefore 
be  sufficient,  when  we  find  a  commercial  apostate, 
to  mouth  'perdition  catch  the  villain.'  The  pa 
tience,  the  lenity,  the  humanity  of  Americans  to 
wards  public  conspirators  and  public  traitors,  hath 


296 

been  the  source  of  infinite  mischief.  From  this 
circumstance  our  friends  have  become  despondent, 
and  our  foes  have  taken  courage.  I  have  a  thou 
sand  things  to  say,  which  I  would  wish  to  '  speak 
without  a  tongue,  and  to  be  heard  without  ears.7 
For  this  reason  therefore,  if  the  three  acts  relative 
to  the  Massachusetts  Bay  are  not  repealed,  I  in 
tend  to  be  in  Philadelphia,  in  May  next. 

"  I  am  sure,  if  you  knew  all  that  I  could  tell 
you,  it  would  strengthen  your  hands,  arid  inspire 
your  hearts.  I  have  this  day  written  very  similar 
sentiments  to  my  friend,  Mr  Dickinson,  at  Phila 
delphia.  You  will  perceive  part  of  this  letter 
copied  by  my  friend  Williams,  from  mine,  to  that 
great  and  good  man.  We  are  both  now  writing 
in  the  midst  of  a  coffee-house,  surrounded  by  the 
intolerable  racket  of  dice  boxes,  and  the  noise  of 
party  cabal.  If  therefore  you  make  public  any 
part  of  this  letter,  print  that  which  relates  to  the 
cause  of  my  transcribing  part  of  my  letter  to  Mr 
Dickinson,  which  will  carry  an  apology  to  that 
gentleman,  who  may  otherwise  be  displeased  at 
seeing  the  same  sentiments  to  different  persons. 

"  Last  Tuesday  and  Wednesday  I  spent  with 
Lord  Shelburne  at  his  magnificent  seat  at  Bow- 
wood.  His  politeness  would  have  prevailed  with 


297 

me  to  stay  a  few  days  longer,  if  my  other  engage 
ments  had  permitted  that  indulgence. 

"  Once,  since  I  arrived,  I  raised  a  small  quan 
tity  of  blood  ;  owing  to  some  exertions  of  my 
lungs  that  brought  on  that  old  disorder.  Since 
that  time  I  have  had  no  symptom  of  it,  and  at 
this  time,  and  indeed  ever  since  I  have  been  in 
Britain,  I  never  enjoyed  greater  health  and  spirits. 
This  climate  undoubtedly  agrees  with  me  much 
better  than  my  own.  Neither  colds  nor  fevers 
have  molested  me,  since  sojourning  in  this  land  of 
my  fathers. 

"  Captain  Caldwell,  who  engages  to  deliver 
this  with  his  own  hand,  calls  on  me  to  finish. 

"  Adieu  !  The  blessings  of  my  heart  rest  upon 
you. 

"  J-  Q- 

"  Let  our  friend,  Samuel  Adams,  be  among  the 
first  to  whom  you  show  my  letters." 


TO   MRS   QUINCY. 

London,  January  11,  1775. 
"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  Last  night  I  returned  from  Bath  and  Bris 
tol,  where   I    have   been  to  spend  a  few  of  the 
38 


298 

holy-days.  From  the  last  of  these  places  I  wrote 
to  my  friend  Mr  Dickinson,  and  yourself.  The 
letter  to  you,  together  with  several  others,  the 
captain  engaged  to  deliver  with  his  own  hand. 
Last  evening  I  was  regaled  with  yours  of  the  3d 
and  14th  of  November  ; — James  Lovell's  of  the 
10th,  25th,  and  28th  of  October  ;— Dr  Chaun- 
cy's  of  the  21st  of  October,  and  3d  of  Novem 
ber,  and  Oliver  Wendell's  of  the  15th  of  Novem 
ber.  To  all  these,  my  remembering  friends, 
present  my  acknowledgments  and  thanks.  Inform 
them  I  shall  write  answers,  if  the  time  limited  for 
the  sailing  of  this  vessel  is  extended. 

"  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  received 
another  letter  from  Dr  Chauncy  of  the  4th  of 
November,  but  have  not  yet  received  the  two 
pamphlets.  Let  him  be  the  first  to  whom  you 
transmit  this  letter.  I  have  also  received  a  very 
useful  letter  from  my  friend,  Nathaniel  Apple- 
ton  ;  let  him  be  the  next. 

"  If  the  many  letters  I  have  sent,  come  safe  to 
your  hands,  my  friends  will  see  that  I  am  neither 
less  idle  nor  less  earnest  in  the  cause,  than  when 
I  sojourned  with  them  beyond  Jordan.  My  avo 
cations  are  so  many  and  incessant,  that  I  find 
but  little  time  which  I  cannot  employ  more  to  the 


299 

service  of  my  country  by  attending  to  men  and 
things  here,  than  by  writing  my  sentiments  to 
those  on  the  other  side  of  the  water.  That  little 
time,  whenever  it  does  occur,  is  sacredly  dedicated 
to  my  correspondence  with  my  brethren  in 
America,  which  is  a  substantial  pleasure  of  my 
life. 

"  But  let  my  friends  in  Boston  and  Massachu 
setts  be  reminded,  that  my  literary  connexions 
are  extended  through  the  southern  colonies,  and 
that  therefore,  when  they  think  themselves  forgot 
ten  or  neglected,  my  time  has  been  so  wholly 
employed  with  occurrences  here,  or  in  transmit 
ting  advices  to  our  southern  friends,  that  I  have 
been  denied  any  opportunity  of  paying  that  tribute 
of  gratitude,  respect,  and  applause,  that  my  Mas 
sachusetts  friends  may  justly  claim. 

"  As  I  have  written  to  you  very  constantly  and 
largely,  upon  the  subject  of  our  great  concerns,  I 
must  entreat  that  those  confidential  friends  to 
whom  you  may  show  my  letters,  would  consider 
them  as  information  sent  the  brotherhood  in  gen 
eral  ;  and  in  consequence,  by  way  of  return, 
favour  me  with  their  advice  and  counsels,  for 
which,  as  I  shall  ever  stand  much  in  need,  so  I 
shall  be  accordingly  grateful. 


300 

"  The  cause  of  the  colonies  every  day  grows 
more  popular;  that  of  the  ministry,  more  desperate. 
The  merchants  are  alarmed,  the  manufacturers 
are  in  motion,  the  artificers  and  handicraftsmen 
are  in  amaze,  and  the  lower  ranks  of  the  com 
munity  are  suffering.  Petitions  are  framing  in 
all  parts  of  the  kingdom  in  favour  of  their  own 
dear  selves,  and  if  America  reap  any  advantage 
by  this  movement,  be  assured  her  tribute  of  grati 
tude  is  not  due  either  to  merchants  or  manufac 
turers.  America  might  sink  in  bondage,  and  long 
drag  the  load  of  misery  and  shame,  before  either 
of  these  orders,  as  a  body  of  men,  would  feel  one 
generous  sentiment,  or  make  one  feeble  effort, 
unless  their  own  immediate  and  obvious  interest 
prompted  the  exertion.  I  say,  immediate  and 
obvious,  for  all  know  that  if  the  distance  is  beyond 
their  own  nostrils,  or  clouded  by  any  thing  deeper 
than  a  cobweb  shade,  they  will  neither  see  nor 
understand.  I  speak  here  of  the  governing  ma 
jority  ;  individuals  are  among  them  who  have 
knowledge,  sentiment,  and  spirit ;  but  Heaven 
knows,  how  little,  how  incredibly  little,  these 
noble  qualities  have  influence  here. 

"  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  peaceful, 
spiritless,  and  self-denying  warfare,  in  which  the 


301 

colonies  are  now  engaged,  would  yield  an  ample 
victory  ;  to  be  sure,  not  the  most  glorious  or 
splendid  of  any  on  record,  but  the  tinsel  of  splen 
dour  and  the  parade  of  glory  may  be  dispensed 
with,  if  we  can  obtain  the  object  of  our  wishes  by 
attacks  which  are  truly  mock  heroic,  and  weap 
ons  which  are  most  certainly  not  spiritual. 

"  My  great  doubt  is,  whether  frugal  virtue  is  a 
quality  deeply  ingrafted  in  the  human  mind,  and 
whether  it  contains  a  spirit  sharp  and  active 
enough  to  cement  and  animate  any  large  popular 
body,  for  any  length  of  time. 

"  However,  if  my  countrymen,  after  deliberat 
ing,  are  convinced,  that  they  can  sacredly  keep  the 
pure  faith  of  economy ;  that  they  can  follow  the 
simplicity  of  their  fathers,  and  what  is  more,  can 
compel  and  keep  to  the  ordinances  of  self-denial, 
their  whole  household,  I  will  venture  to  assure 
them,  that  they  shall  obtain  a  bloodless  victory, 
and  be  crowned  with  success. 

"I  am  so  certain  of  the  truth  of  what  I  now 
say,  and  that  my  words  are  indeed  the  words  of 
soberness,  that  I  would  put  my  life  and  my  all  on 
the  hazard  of  the  trial.  These  are  not  the  hasty 
opinions  of  a  moment ;  they  are  sentiments  found 
ed  upon  inquiry  and  reflection,  and  I  am  con- 


302 

vinced  of  no  one  truth  more  strongly,  and  I  have 
no  one  judgment  in  my  own  opinion  better  found 
ed,  than  what  is  above  transmitted. 

"  I  am  thus  explicit,  because  you  very  well 
know  that  I  not  only  wish  the  safety,  but  the 
glory  of  my  country.  I  have  heard  its  valour 
questioned,  I  have  seen  its  honour  touched  ;  of 
that  valour,  I  have  an  elevated  idea ;  of  that  hon 
our,  I  am  jealous.  As  I  wish  therefore  the  peace, 
the  welfare,  and  the  bloodless  deliverance  of  my 
native  land,  I  hope  to  see  my  countrymen  prudent, 
frugal,  saving  economists ;  but  when  I  shall  wish 
to  see  them  great  and  glorious, 

6 1  sure  must  view  them  in  a  nobler  field  ! ' 
Permanent  slavery,  or  a  full  deliverance  from  their 
present  burdens,  is  the  alternative  now  before 
America.  No  other  country  hath  ever  yet  had 
any  choice  but  that  of  the  sword  for  their  eman 
cipation  from  bondage.  America,  favoured  above 
the  nations  of  antiquity,  hath  an  alternative.  If 
her  children  can  withstand  the  blandishments  of 
luxury,  and  the  delusions  of  false  pride,  they  may 
purchase  liberty  without  its  price  ;  but  if  attach 
ment  to  commercial  leeks  and  onions,  an  idolatry 
equally  degrading,  and  in  the  present  case  almost 
as  impious  as  that  of  Egypt,  have  debauched  the 


303 

appetite  and  blinded  all  sense,  they  must  soon 
make  their  election  of  the  load  of  slavery,  or  the 
sword  of  blood. 

"  The  ministry  are  evidently  plunged.  Every 
thing  bears  the  mark  of  distraction.  Bute  and 
Mansfield  are  not  less  your  enemies,  and  Hutch- 
inson  is  still  the  same  man.  Lord  Dartmouth 

is ;  but  America  can  at  this  day  want  no 

information  as  to  his  character ;  when  hypocrisy 
throws  away  her  mask,  credulity  must  renounce 
her  faith.  No  measures  are  yet  determined  upon 
in  the  cabinet.  Every  thing  will  be  done  at  the 
meeting  of  Parliament  on  the  spur  of  the  occasion. 

"  In  the  nation  you  have  many  friends  and 
hearty  well-wishers  to  your  cause.  The  lords  and 
commons  are  —  what  they  are;  but  ANOTHER 
CHARACTER,  is  in  principle  your  adversary, 

and  will  never   be  reconciled  to  your  deliverance 
.  • 

till  he  sees,  what,  peradventure,  he  will  not  wait 

long  for,  a  spirit  going  forth,  which  compels  rulers 
to  their  duty.  I  shall  take  care  to  keep  you  con 
stantly  informed  of  events  as  they  rise.  Very  im 
portant  ones  must  occur  in  a  short  time.  The 
stanch  friends  of  our  country  are  here  in  high 
spirits.  I  should  flatter  your  national  vanity  if  I 
told  you  all  that  is  said  and  thought  of  Americans 


304 

at  this  day  ;  but  the  sentiments  of  this  people  are 
as  fluctuating,  and  sometimes  as  boisterous  as  the 
ocean. 

"  I  find  I  shall  have  no  time  to  write  to  the 
friends  I  mentioned  above.  Send  them  therefore 
this  letter  to  peruse  by  way  of  apology.  My  best 
wishes  attend  you.  Present  me  to  my  friends 
and  relatives  in  the  bonds  of  respect  and  love.  In 
the  same  bonds  continue  to  hold 

"  Yours,  &c." 


TO  MRS   QUINCY. 

London ,  January  12,  1775. 
"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  Yesterday  I  finished  a  long  letter  to  you, 
which  will  accompany  the  present ;  by  a  consider- 
tion  of  both,  my  friends  will  see  how  difficult  the 
task  would  be  to  write  severally  to  them  all.  I 
have  just  come  from  spending  three  hours  in  pri 
vate  conversation  with  Governor  Pownall ;  and 
without  a  moment's  delay  sit  down  to  transmit 
some  parts  of  what  passed  between  us. 

"  After  having  given  him  some  general  account 
of  my  intelligence  from  America,  he  said,  4  Now, 
sir,  I  will  give  you  some  news  also.  A  king's 


305 

ship  has  arrived  from  Boston  with  despatches 
from  General  Gage  ;  she  sailed  the  16th  of  De 
cember  from  that  place.  She  brings  certain  ac 
counts  that  notwithstanding  the  non-importation 
agreement  was  to  take  place  the  first  of  Decem 
ber,  jet  since  that  day,  by  connivance,  a  consider 
able  quantity  of  pimento,  and  other  articles  forbid 
den  by  that  agreement,  have  been  imported  and 
stored  in  the  city  of  New  York.'  I  replied,  '  I 
don't  believe  that  what  you  have  heard  is  true.' 
'  You  may  depend  upon  it,  sir  ;  I  am  satisfied  of 
it,  perfectly,  myself,'  was  his  answer. 

"  This  matter  ought  to  be  inquired  into.  Do 
not  entertain  ill-grounded  jealousies  of  each  other, 
yet  watch  over  one  another  for  good.* 

"  '  I  will  tell  you  more,  Sir,'  added  Governor 
Pownall  ;  «  the  provincial  congress  have  chosen 

*  The  following  letter  from  Alexander  McDougall  Esq. 
(afterwards  General  McDougall)  will  explain  the  state  of 
things,  which  then  existed  in  New  York.  The  friends  of  lib 
erty  in  that  city  had  difficulties  of  a  very  peculiar  character 
to  encounter  ;  which  they  met  with  a  corresponding  spirit  and 
vigilance  ;  as  this  letter  evidences.  In  none  of  the  other  col 
onies  had  the  patriots  of  the  revolution  so  many  and  so  pow 
erful  internal  enemies  to  contend  with  as  in  this.  Their  sit- 
nation,  in  this  respect,  exposed  them  to  suspicions  and  mis- 

39 


306 

their  general  officers  ;  two  of  them  are  Colonel 
Preble  and  Colonel  Pomeroy  ;  I  have  forgot  the 
third.  They  have  also  chosen  a  committee  to 

representations,  which  their  subsequent  sacrifices  and  exer 
tions  in  the  cause  proved  to  be  unfounded  and  unjust. 


TO   JOSIAH   QUINCY  JUN. 

"New  York,  April  6,  1775. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  Your  favours  of  the  17th  and  19th  of  December  last, 
enclosing  letters  for  the  friends  of  the  common  cause  in  Bos 
ton  and  Philadelphia,  arrived  here  the  10th  ultimo,  but  they 
were  not  handed  to  me  before  the  25th,  owing  to  their  being 
in  a  package  belonging  to  a  gentleman  who  was  absent  when 
they  arrived.  Your  directions  respecting  them  were  strictly 
observed,  and  they  were  forwarded  the  27th  by  safe  convey 
ances.  I  shall  take  great  pleasure  in  transmitting  your  future 
communications  to  your  friends. 

"  I  wrote  you  by  the  March  packet  under  cover  to  Mr 
Thomas  Bromfield,  in  which  I  informed  you  of  the  progress 
then  made  by  our  House  of  Assembly  on  American  griev 
ances.  The  assurances  I  gave  you,  that  what  remained  of  the 
*  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Grievances,'  not  then  consider 
ed  by  the  '  Committee  of  the  House,'  would  rather  be  more 
in  favour  of  liberty  than  the  '  Report,'  has  since  been  confirm 
ed  ;  the  particulars  of  which  you  have  in  the  enclosed  printed 
proceedings  of  the  House.  After  the  '  Statement  of  Gricv- 


307 

manage  the  office  of  Governor,  and   another  that 

of  the  Supreme  Court  of  justice  of  the  province.' 

"  I    shall  suspend  a  comment  on  this  matter. 

.nces  was  agreed  to,  and  approved  of  by  the  House,  several 
of  the  members  who  were  warm  friends  to  the  cause  of  liber 
ty,  having  attended  the  Assembly  two  months,  and  their  fam 
ilies  being  very  remote  from  the  capitol,  and  urgent  business 
demanding  their  return,  and  considering  the  most  important 
transactions  of  the  sessions  finished,  went  home.  This  gave 
an  opportunity  to  the  wicked  and  designing  members  of  the 
House,  contrary  to  all  order,  to  depart  from  the  spirit  of  the 
c  List  of  Grievances,'  in  a  '  Petition  to  the  King,'  6  Memorial 
to  the  Lords,'  and  <  Remonstrance  to  the  Commons.'  But  the 
c  Statement  of  Grievances  '  agreed  to  by  the  fullest  House  dur 
ing  the  sessions  must  be  considered  as  the  basis  of  all  their 
proceedings  on  the  American  controversy.  If  any  regard  is 
to  be  paid  to  the  sense  of  the  Legal  Representatives,  that 
sense  is,  the  '  Statement  of  Grievances'  agreed  to  in  a  full 
House ;  and  therefore,  whatever  difference  appears  in  the 
c  Petition,'  &c.,  from  that '  Statement  of  Grievances,'  is  a  mere 
nullity.  If  the  ministry  make  any  dependence  on  the  '  Peti 
tion,'  &c.,  as  declarative  of  the  sense  of  this  colony,  they  will 
find  themselves  most  egregiously  mistaken.  This  city  will 
publicly  disavow  the  vile,  slavish  sentiments,  contained  in 
the  *  Petition,'  &c.,  the  moment  they  make  their  appearance. 
So  far  as  they  are  now  known,  they  are  condemned,  and  the 
patrons  of  them  despised.  And  if  the  Provincial  Convention, 
who  are  to  meet  here  on  the  20th  instant  to  elect  Delegates 
for  the  continental  congress,  do  not  disavow  the  '  Petition,'  &c. 


308 

"  After  a  long  conversation  with  him  on  the 
subjects  which  grew  naturally  out  of  our  conver 
sation,  I  asked  him  (he  being  now  a  member  of 

which  I  have  reason  to  conclude  they  will,  they  will  certainly 
join  with  the  continental  Congress  in  doing  it. 

"  During  the  ship ?s  stay  in  our  hay  she  was  continu 
ally  watched  by  a  sub-committee,  and  did  not  enter.  But  while 
she  lay  at  the  Hook  waiting  for  a  fair  wind,  the  night  before 
she  departed  threatened  a  storm  ;  and  as  the  boat,  on  board 
of  which  the  sub-committee  attended,  was  not  so  well  provided 
with  ground  tackling  as  the  ship,  the  boat  was  obliged  to  go 
into  a  cove  of  safety,  at  some  distance  from  the  ship.  The 
owners,  who  had  some  goods  on  board,  having  previously 
meditated  a  plan  to  land  them,  availed  themselves  of  this  op 
portunity,  and  effected  it  in  the  night.  Of  this  they  were 
suspected,  and  our  sub-committee  of  observation,  and  the  com 
mittee  of  Elizabeth  Town,  having  got  a  clue  to  a  discovery, 
the  owners  confessed  the  matter  upon  oath.  Our  citizens 
were  so  enraged  at  them  for  the  horrid  deed,  that  it  was  with 
great  difficulty  they  were  prevailed  upon  not  to  banish  them. 
The  fearful  apprehensions  of  those  persons  and  the  terms  on 
which  they  are  suffered  to  abide  here,  are  fully  expressed  in 
the  printed  papers  which  you  have  herewith.  This  is  the 
only  violation  of  the  Association  we  have  had  since  it  took 
place.  The  punishment  they  now,  and  will  endure,  is  suffi 
cient  to  deter  any  man,  however  base,  from  another  breach. 
"  The  friends  of  the  Association,  and  the  great  cause,  are 
daily  increasing;  so  that  you  have  no  reason  to  fear  a  defec 
tion  of  this  colony.  Time  will  not  permit  me  to  be  more 
particular.  I  shall  continue  to  enclose  you  all  the  printed 


309 

Parliament)  what  he  thought,  the  ministry  would 
do  at  the  approaching  sessions. 

"  He  answered,  <  They  will  not  repeal  the  Bos 
ton  Port  Bill,  because  it  executes  itself.  They 
will  not  repeal  the  acts  altering  your  form  of 
government,  because  these  late  advices  show  that 
you  have  taken  that  matter  out  of  their  hands. 
They  will  not  repeal  the  Quebec  Bill,  because  it 
is  the  sense  of  all  parties  here,  that  that  is  a  mat 
ter  with  which  no  other  colony  but  Quebec  hath 
any  thing  to  do.  If  they  do  not  complain,  the 
other  colonies  have  no  right  to  intermeddle.' 

"  I  replied  to  Governor  Pownall,  I  wished  I 
could  be  satisfied  that  what  he  now  said  would 
be  true  ;  '  It  will  ease  my  mind,'  added  I,  '  and 
would  determine  my  conduct,  to  sail  to  America 
in  four-and-twenty  hours.  I  should  then  be  in 

papers  which  I  may  judge  of  importance  to  you,  regardless  of 
the  postage  until  you  direct  me  to  the  contrary. 
"  I  am,  dear  Sir,  in  great  haste, 
"  But  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  humble  servant, 

"  ALEXANDER  McDouGALL. 

"  P.  S.  As  my  political  character  may  tempt  the  tools  of 
government  to  open  letters  to  me,  please  to  cover  your  fa 
vours  to  me  to  Samuel  Broome  &  Co.  merchants  in  New 
York." 


310 

no  doubt  what   the  colonies  ought   to  do,    and5 
(with  a  little   elevation  of   voice)  '  I   am  sure  I 
should  not  hesitate   what    part   to   take   myself.' 
"  '  I  tell  you,  Mr  Quincy,'  continued  Governor 
Pownall,   '  what  I    now  say  I   do   not  deliver  as 
what    I  am  informed  of   by  the  ministry,  but   as 
what  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  of ;  it  is  my  solid 
judgment  founded   upon  facts   on  which  I   have 
reflected,    and   laid    together    again    and    again.' 
My  answer  was,  '  I  have  lately  been  in  the  west 
ern    parts  of  this   kingdom.      I    have    conversed 
ever  since  I  have   been  here,  with  all   ranks   of 
people  who  think  or  converse  at   all  upon   these 
subjects.     I   am  a  stranger  in  this  country,  I  do 
not   pretend   to    be    thoroughly    acquainted    with 
their  genius,    temper,   or   character ;    but  this   I 
will  venture   to  say,  that  if  the   actions  of  this 
country    are    as    correspondent    with    the   sense, 
words,  and  declarations  of  its  inhabitants,  as  the 
words  and  doings  of  my  American  countrymen,  I 
am   sure  this  country   will  be  convulsed, — I    am 
sure  there   will  be  very  astonishing  commotions, 
if  those   acts  are    not    repealed,    and    that    very 
speedily  too,  after  the  Parliament   have    got  well 
together.     But,  as  I  said  before,  I  do  not  pretend 
to  know  this   people  as  well  as  those  who  were 


311 

bred,  and  have  always  dwelt  among  them.  In 
deed,  I  have  been  confirmed  more  and  more  every 
day,  that  the  commonalty  in  this  country  are  no 
more  like  the  commonalty  in  America,  than  if 
they  were  two  utterly  distinct  and  unconnected 
people.' 

"'Very  true,  Mr  Quincy,'  replied  Governor 
Pownall ;  '  your  observation  is  certainly  just.  You 
have  formed  a  right  judgment,  and  you  will  see 
more  reason  to  strengthen  your  opinion  every  day 
you  live  in  the  island.' 

"  Governor    Pownall  presented    me   with   two 
of  his  late  productions,    one   to   be   sent   to    Dr 
Cooper,  which  I  shall  do,  if  I  am  able,  by  this 
opportunity.     I  have  written  you  that   I  shall  be 
in  Philadelphia  in  May  next,  if  the  acts   are  not 
repealed.     I    have   made  that  determination,  be 
cause  I  think  I  shall  be   able  to   do  some   good 
there.     In  conversation  we  can  say  and  do  more 
than  by  whole  folios  of  writing.     But  my  being 
there  at  that  time  is  so  uncertain,  that  I  would  not 
upon  any  account  have  my    friends  omit   sending 
their  letters  of  intelligence  to   me   here.      Such 
letters  are  of  amazing  service  ;  with  them  I  can 
do  more  good  than   you  would   think  possible  if 
you  had  never  experienced  the  effect. 


312 

"  Adieu.  May  the  great  Father  of  spirits 
inspire  you  !  Act  worthy  of  yourselves,  and  you 
must  be  successful  and  happy. 

"  P.  S.  I  intend  to  send  you  Burke's  Speech 
published  this  day.  It  will  be  read  in  America 
with  avidity  and  applause.  I  am  well  informed 
that  Mr  Hayley,  on  receiving  a  large  parcel  of 
letters  from  America  without  one  order  enclosed, 
merely  said, — '  1  find  there  is  not  even  an  incli 
nation  in  Boston  to  smuggle  now.' 

"  A  certain  Mr  ,  lately  arrived  from 

Boston,  said,  c  A  few  more  troops  will  be  suffi 
cient  to  enforce  all  the  measures  of  the  min 
istry.' 

"I  have  neither  room  nor  time  for  comment." 


TO  MRS  QUINCY. 

5  London,  January  12,  1775, 
£  Twelve  at  night. 

"  My  very  dear  Friend, 

"  I  have  been  all  this  day  toiling  for  my  op 
pressed  country.  I  have  just  closed  my  advices 
to  the  southward.  I  should  not  now  resume  the 
pen,  having  written  you  very  largely  to-day  and 


313 

yesterday,  had  I  not  been  just  gratified  with 
jours  and  my  good  friend  James  Lovell's  favours 
of  November  and  December.  Yours,  dated  18th 
of  November  and  9th  of  December ;  his,  Novem 
ber  25th  and  December  7th.  Thank  him  most 
heartily  for  his  zeal  and  industry  in  the  cause  of 
his  country,  and  his  affection  and  good  wishes  for 
me.  Show  him  my  letters ;  tell  him  to  consider 
them  as  addressed  to  him, — and  command  him  to 
persevere  in  his  \vay  of  well-doing. 

"  If  you  are  satisfied  that  what  you  wrote  me 
relative  to  the  speeches  of  Major  Paddock  and 
is  really  true,  in  fact,  please  to  con 
vey  word  to  Major  P ,  and  assure  him  in  my 

name,  that  I  have  '  dared  to  show  my  head  in 
London  ; ' — that  I  have  dared  to  enter  into  the 
presence  of  Lord  North  and  Lord  Mansfield, — 
and  what  he  may  think  more,  on  two  days  suc 
cessively  to  stand  before  the  throne  of  a  king  ; 
literally  within  the  reach  of  his  royal  sceptre,  and 
the  sword  of  justice ;  neither  one  nor  the  other 
dazzled  or  terrified  me.  Even  the  eloquence  of  a 
sovereign  did  not  so  confound  my  judgment,  but 
that  before  the  royal  charm  was  over,  I  was  able 
to  recollect  and  remind  a  friend  who  stood  near 
me,  of  the  memorable  saying  of  Henry  Marten  to 
40 


314 

Edward  Hyde  ; — '  /  do  not  think  one  man  ivise 
enough  to  govern  us  all.' 

"  Nay,  the  splendour  of  royal  robes,  the  pomp 
of  state  attendants,  or  the  glitter  of  a  diadem, 
never  once  so  fascinated  my  understanding,  or 
beguiled  my  heart,  as  that  I  did  not  realize  the 
solemn  and  eternal  truth,  delivered  by  the  illus 
trious  Milton  ; — '  The  trappings  of  a  monarchy 
will  set  up  a  commonwealth.' 

"  You   may  tell ,  that  I  am   not   yet 

'  hanged,9  and  whether  he  or  I  shall  first  '  dangle 
on  a  gibbet,'  is  a  matter  altogether  problematical. 
But  whether  he  or  I  deserve  it  most,  I  am  willing 
to  submit  to  a  jury  of  freeholders  in  his  own 
vicinity  ;  and  if  he  will  move  for  sentence  upon 
their  verdict,  I  will  agree  not  to  move  in  arrest 
of  judgment. 

"  Politics,  you  see,  so  wholly  engross  my  time, 
that  I  have  no  time  to  write  about  those  affections 
that  are  very  deep  in  my  heart.  I  know  you 
will  excuse  the  indulgence.  Write  by  every  pos 
sible  way  some  little  memorandum  of  the  dates  of 
letters  received.  It  will  gratify  me  much  to  hear 
of  the  safe  arrival  of  any  of  my  letters. 
Tell  my  friends  that  my  health  and  spirits  still 
continue  high.  As  to  my  sentiments  and  opinions, 


315 

my  integrity  and  firmness, — they  must  judge  of 
those  by  my  conduct. 

"  Yours  &LC. 

"  Do  not  think  I  forget  my  children  because  I 
do  not  speak  of  them.  *  *  *  *  *  *  * 

"January  \^th.  Since  writing  the  above  last 
night,  Governor  Pownall  hath  this  morning  called 
upon  me,  and,  I  having  Mr  Brand  Hollis  with  me, 
he  had  only  time  to  say, — *  You  will  have  terrible 
news  from  Boston  soon  ;  the  matter  is  decided 
before  this  time  ! ' 

"  This  day  Mr  George  Green  informed  me 
that  Governor  Hutchinson  carried  Messrs  Blowers, 
Bliss,  and  Ingersol,  the  morning  after  their  arri 
val,  to  Lord  North.  He  also  informed  me  that 

Mr  had  said    in   the  coffee-house,    that  '  if 

administration  did  not  enforce  the  present  meas 
ures,  it  was  all  over  with  them.'  Another  person, 
lately  from  America,  said,  that  *  a  few  more  regi 
ments  would  do  the  business.'  Mr  Inspector 
\A  illiams  also  told  me  this  moment,  that  he  had 
seen  Mr  Peters's  representation  to  the  Privy  Coun 
cil,  '  and  it  is,'  added  Mr  Williams,  '  the  most 
bitter,  abominable  thing  I  ever  saw  ; — the  bishops 
have  taken  it  up,  and  the  Connecticut  charter 
will  be  snapped  this  session.'  Mr  Williams  has 


316 

promised  to  procure  me  a  copy  of  the  above 
paper,  and  if  he  does,  I  shall  send  it  by  this 
opportunity.  I  have  every  moment  something  I 
want  to  communicate.  My  attention  is  ever 
awake,  and  my  time  employed." 


JOURNAL  CONTINUED. 

"  January  13th.  Received  visits  from  Gover 
nor  Pownall,  Mr  Brand  Hollis,  and  others.  Re 
ceived  letters  from  Mrs  Quincy  and  my  father. 
Wrote  to  Mrs  Quincy,  and  to  J.  Lee  Esq.  Sent 
the  above  letters,  as  well  as  those  of  Sheriff  Lee 
and  Dr  Baillie  enclosed,  by  Captain  Gordon, 
who  sails  in  Col.  Lee's  employ. 


TO    MRS   QUINCY. 

London,  January  14,  1775. 
"  My  best  Friend, 

"  I  was  this  moment  closing  my  advices  to 
you,  when  I  received  from  Mr  Blowers  your 
letter  of  October  15th,  November  3d  and  18th, — 
and  my  father's  of  November  3d.  I  am  so  fa 
tigued  with  writing  &c.,  that  I  can  write  no  more. 
The  person  by  whom  1  send  this,  goes  in  ten 


317 

minutes.  Thank  my  friends  most  heartily  for 
their  letters.  Don't  let  them  think  I  neglect 
their  favours  ;  they  must  consider  my  letters  to 
you  as  addressed  to  them  all.  I  am  so  hurried  I 
have  no  other  way.  *  *  *  *  * 

"  I  have  acknowledged  to  you  the  receipt  of  all 
the  letters  I  have  received.  I  have  told  you  all 
that  1  most  wish  you  to  know,  excepting  how 
much  I  am  yours.  *  *  *  *  * 

"  My  health  was  never  better.  I  have  as  yet 
had  no  symptom  of  a  seasoning." 


JOURNAL    CONTINUED. 

"  January  15th.  Dined  with  Mr  Edward 
Dilly. 

"  January  16th.  Received  Dr  Warren's  letter* 
of  November  21,  1774,  by  Mr  Williams  Jun. 
Dined  with  Mr  Brand  Hollis,  in  company  with 
Dr  Priestley,  Dr  Franklin,  Dr  Price,  and  others. 

"  January  17th.  Dined  with  Mrs  Stevenson, 
with  a  number  of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  in  cel 
ebration  of  Dr  Franklin's  birthday,  who  made 
one  of  the  festive  company,  although  he  this  day 
enters  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age. 


See  page  204. 


318 

"  January  18th.  Spent  this  day  and  evening 
at  St  James's  in  attending  the  celebration  of  the 
Queen's  birthday  at  the  drawing  and  ball  room. 
The  dresses  were  splendid  and  magnificent,  much 
beyond  any  thing  I  had  ever  before  seen.  The 
Queen  appears  amiable  and  is  very  affable.  The 
young  Prince  of  Wales  resembles  his  mother  in 
countenance  and  air  very  much.  The  Bishop 
of  Osnaburgh  is  a  very  handsome  boy.  The  lit 
tle  princes  are  comely  enough. 

"  January  19th.  Attended  the  House  of  Com 
mons  and  heard  debates  between  North,  Burke, 
and  Mr  Eden,  &c.  Spent  the  evening  at  the 
London  coffee-house  with  Dr  Franklin,  Priestley, 
Price,  Calder,  and  many  others. 

"  January  20th.  Attended  the  debates  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  Good  fortune  gave  me  one  of 
the  best  places  for  hearing,  and  taking  a  few 
minutes. 

"  Lord  Chatham  rose  like  Marcellus, — <  Viros 
supereminet  omnesS  He  seemed  to  feel  himself 
superior  to  those  around  him.  His  language, 
voice,  and  gesture  were  more  pathetic,  than  I 
ever  saw  or  heard  before,  at  truj  bar  or  senate. 
He  seemed  like  an  old  Roman  senator,  rising  with 
the  dignity  of  age,  yet  speaking  with  the  fire  of 


319 

youth.  The  illustrious  sage  stretched  forth  his 
hand  with  the  decent  solemnity  of  a  Paul,  and  ris 
ing  with  his  subject,  he  smote  his  breast  with  the 
energy  and  grace  of  a  Demosthenes. 

"  This  great  and  astonishing  character  opened 
with  some  general  observations  on  the  importance 
and  magnitude  of  the  present  American  quarrel 
(as  he  called  it).  He  enlarged  upon  the  danger 
ous  and  ruinous  events  that  were  coming  upon  the 
nation  in  consequence  of  the  present  dispute,  and 
the  measures,  already  begun  and  now  carrying  on 
by  His  Majesty's  ministers.  He  arraigned  their 
conduct  with  great  severity  and  freedom.  He 
then  proceeded — 

"  '  My  Lords,  these  papers  from  America,  now 
laid  by  administration  for  the  first  time  before 
your  lordships,  have  been,  to  my  knowledge,  five 
or  six  weeks  in  the  pocket  of  the  minister.  And 
notwithstanding  the  fate  of  this  kingdom  hangs 
upon  the  event  of  this  great  controversy,  we  are 
but  this  moment  called  to  a  consideration  of  this 
important  subject.  My  Lords,  I  do  not  wish  to 
look  into  one  of  these  papers.  I  know  their  con 
tents  well  enough  already,  I  know  that  there  is 
not  a  member  in  this  house  but  is  acquainted  with 
their  purport  also.  There  ought  therefore  to  be 


320 

no  delay  in  entering  upon  this  matter.  We  ought 
to  proceed  to  it  immediately.  We  ought  to  seize 
the  first  moment  to  open  the  door  of  reconciliation. 
The  Americans  will  never  be  in  a  temper  or  state 
to  be  reconciled — they  ought  not  to  be — till  the 
troops  are  withdrawn.  The  troops  are  a  perpetual 
irritation  to  these  people  ;  they  are  a  bar  to  all  con 
fidence,  and  all  cordial  reconcilement.  I  therefore, 
my  Lords,  move.  '  That  an  humble  address  be  pre 
sented  to  His  Majesty,  most  humbly  to  advise  and 
beseech  His  Majesty,  that  in  order  to  open  the 
way  towards  an  happy  settlement  of  the  danger 
ous  troubles  in  America,  by  beginning  to  allay  fer 
ments  and  soften  animosities  there,  and  above  all, 
for  preventing  in  the  mean  time  any  sudden  and 
fatal  catastrophe  at  Boston,  now  suffering  under 
the  daily  irritation  of  an  army  before  their  eyes, 
posted  in  their  town,  it  may  graciously  please  His 
Majesty  that  immediate  orders  may  be  despatched 
to  General  Gage  for  removing  His  Majesty's  forces 
from  the  town  of  Boston,  as  soon  as  the  rigour 
of  the  season,  and  other  circumstances  indispensa 
ble  to  the  safety  and  accommodation  of  the  said 
troops,  may  render  the  same  practicable. 

" '  The  way    must    be   immediately  opened   for 
reconciliation.     It  will  soon  be  too  late.     I  know 


321 

not  w ho  advised  the  present  measures:  t  know 
not  who  advises  to  a  perseverance  and  enforce 
ment  of  them  ;  but  this  I  will  say,  that  whoever 
advises  them,  ought  to  answer  for  it  at  his  utmost 
peril. 

"  '  I  know  that  no  one  will  avow  that  he  ad 
vised,  or  that  he  was  the  author  of  these  meas 
ures  ;  every  one  shrinks  from  the  charge.  But 
somebody  has  advised  His  Majesty  to  these  meas 
ures,  and  if  His  Majesty  continues  to  hear  such 
evil  counsellors,  His  Majesty  will  be  undone. 
His  Majesty  may  indeed  wear  his  crown,  but,  the 
American  jewel  out  of  it,  it  will  not  be  worth  the 
wearing. 

"  '  What  more  shall  I  say  ?  I  must  not  say  the 
king  is  betrayed  ;  but  this  I  will  say,  the  nation  is 
ruined.  What  foundation  have  we  for  our  claims 
over  America  ?  What  is  our  right  to  persist  in 
such  cruel  and  vindictive  measures  against  that 
loyal,  respectable  people  ?  They  say,  you  have  no 
right  to  tax  them  without  their  consent.  They 
say  truly.  Representation  and  taxation  must  go 
together ;  they  are  inseparable.  Yet  there  is 
scarcely  a  man  in  our  streets,  though  so  poor  as 
scarcely  to  be  able  to  get  his  daily  bread,  but 
thinks  he  is  the  legislator  of  America. 
41 


322 


-.   <  u 


Our  American  subjects,"  is  a  common 
phrase  in  the  mouths  of  the  lowest  orders  of  our  citi 
zens  ;  but  property,  my  Lords,  is  the  sole  and  entire 
dominion  of  the  owner  :  it  excludes  all  the  world 
besides  the  owner.  None  can  intermeddle  with 
it.  It  is  a  unity,  a  mathematical  point.  It  is  an 
atom  ;  untangible  by  any  but  the  proprietor. 
Touch  it,  and  the  owner  loses  his  whole  property. 
The  touch  contaminates  the  whole  mass,  the 
whole  property  vanishes.  The  touch  of  another 
annihilates  it  ;  for  whatever  is  a  man's  own,  is 
absolutely  and  exclusively  his  own. 

"  '  In  the  last  Parliament,  all  was  anger — all  was 
rage.  Administration  did  not  consider  what  was 
practicable,  but  what  was  revenge.  Sine  clade 
victoria  was  the  language  of  the  ministry  last  ses 
sions,  but  every  body  knew,  an  ideot  might  know, 
that  such  would  not  be  the  issue.  But  the  ruin 
of  the  nation  was  a  matter  of  no  concern,  if  ad 
ministration  might  be  revenged.  The  Americans 
were  abused,  misrepresented,  and  traduced,  in  the 
most  atrocious  manner,  in  order  to  give  a  colour, 
and  urge  on  the  most  precipitate,  unjust,  cruel, 
and  vindictive  measures  that  ever  disgraced  a 
nation. 

"  Gnossius  haec  Rhadamanthus  habet  durissima  regna ; 
Castigatque,  auditque  dolos." 


323 

"  '  My  Lords,  the  very  infernal  spirits — they 
chastise,  castigatque  :  sed  auditque — my  Lords — 
the  very  spirits  of  the  infernal  regions  hear,  be-* 
fore  they  punish. 

"  *  But  how  have  this  respectable  people  behaved 
under  all  their  grievances  ?  With  unexampled 
patience,  with  unparalleled  wisdom.  They  chose 
delegates  by  their  free  suffrages ;  no  bribery,  no 
corruption,  no  influence  there,  my  Lords.  Their 
representatives  meet,  with  the  sentiments  and 
temper,  and  speak  the  sense  of  the  continent. 
For  genuine  sagacity,  for  singular  moderation,  for 
solid  wisdom,  manly  spirit,  sublime  sentiments, 
and  simplicity  of  language,  for  every  thing  res 
pectable  and  honourable,  the  congress  of  Philadel 
phia  shine  unrivalled.  This  wise  people  speak 
out.  They  do  not  hold  the  language  of  slaves  ; 
they  tell  you  what  they  mean.  They  do  not  ask 
you  to  repeal  your  laws  as  a  favour  ;  they  claim  it 
as  a  right — they  demand  it.  They  tell  you  they 
will  not  submit  to  them  ;  and  I  tell  you,  the  acts 
must  be  repealed  ;  they  will  be  repealed  ;  you  can 
not  enforce  them.  The  ministry  are  checkmated  ; 
they  have  a  move  to  make  on  the  board  ;  yet  not 
a  move,  but  they  are  ruined. 


324 

"  <  Repeal,  therefore,  my  Lords,  I  say.  But 
bare  repeal  will  not  satisfy  this  enlightened  and 
spirited  people.  What !  repeal  a  bit  of  paper ! 
repeal  a  piece  of  parchment  !  That  alone  will 
not  do,  my  Lords.  You  must  go  through  the 
work — you  must  declare  you  have  no  right  to 
tax — then  they  may  trust  you  ;  then  they  will  have 
some  confidence  in  you. 

"  '  I  have  heard  a  noble  Lord  speak,  who  seem 
ed  to  lay  some  blame  on  General  Gage.  I  think 
that  honourable  gentleman  has  behaved  with  great 
prudence  and  becoming  caution.  He  has  en 
trenched  himself,  and  strengthened  his  fortifications. 
I  do  not  know  what  he  could  do  more.  His  situa 
tion  puts  me  in  mind  of  a  similar  transaction  in 
the  civil  wars  of  France,  when  the  great  Conde, 
on  one  side,  and  Marshall  Turenne,  on  the  other, 
with  large  armies,  lay  many  weeks  very  near  each 
other.  Turenne,  conscious  of  the  terrible  conse 
quences  of  victory  to  himself  and  country,  though 
the  armies  were  several  days  in  sight  of  each 
other,  never  came  to  a  battle.  On  his  return  to 
the  court  of  France  the  Queen  asked  him,  u  Why, 
Marshall,  I  think  you  lay  several  days  in  sight  of 
your  enemy,  and  you  might  have  been  up  with 
him  at  any  time ;  pray  why  did  you  not  take 


325 

him?"  The  General  very  shrewdly  replied, 
"  Should  I  have  taken  him,  please  your  majesty, 
I  was  afraid  all  Paris  would  have  taken  me." 
My  Lords,  there  are  three  millions  of  whigs  ;— * 
three  millions  of  whigs,  my  Lords,  with  arms  in 
their  hands,  are  a  very  formidable  body.  It  was 
the  whigs,  my  Lords,  that  set  His  Majesty's  royal 
ancestors  on  the  throne  of  England.  I  hope,  rny 
Lords,  there  are  yet  double  the  number  of  whigs 
in  England  that  there  are  in  America.  I  hope 
the  whigs  of  both  countries  will  join,  and  make 
a  common  cause.  Ireland  is  with  the  Americans 
to  a  man.  The  whigs  of  that  country  will,  and 
those  of  this  country  ought  to  think  the  American 
cause  their  own.  They  are  allied  to  each  other 
in  sentiment  and  interest,  united  in  one  great 
principle  of  defence  and  resistance,  against  tyran 
ny  and  oppression.  They  ought  therefore,  and 
they  will,  run  to  embrace  and  support  their  breth 
ren.  The  cause  of  ship-money  was  the  cause  of 
all  the  whigs  of  England.  You  shall  not  take  my 
money,  without  my  consent,  is  the  doctrine  and 
the  language  of  whigs  ;  it  is  the  doctrine  and 
voice  of  whigs  in  America,  and  whigs  here.  It  is 
the  doctrine,  in  support  of  which  I  do  not  know 
how  many  names  I  could — I  may  call  in  this 


326 

House, — among  the  living,  I  cannot  say  how  many 
I  could — to  join  with  me,  and  maintain  these  doc 
trines  with  their  blood  ; — but  among  the  dead,  I 
could  raise  an  host  innumerable  !  And,  my  Lords, 
at  this  day  there  are  very  many  sound,  substantial, 
honest  whigs,  who  ought  and  who  will  consider 
this  American  controversy,  as  a  great  common 
cause. 

"  '  My  Lords,  consistent  with  the  preceding 
doctrines,  and  with  what  I  ever  have,  and  shall 
continue  to  maintain,  I  say,  I  shall  oppose 
America  whenever  I  see  her  aiming  at  throwing 
off  the  navigation  act,  and  other  regulatory  acts 
of  trade,  made  bond  fide  for  that  purpose,  and 
wisely  framed,  and  calculated  for  reciprocity  of 
interest  and  the  general  extended  welfare  and 
security  of  the  whole  empire.  It  is  suggested 
such  is  their  design  ;  I  see  no  evidence  of  it.  But 
to  come  at  a  certain  knowledge  of  their  sentiments 
and  designs  on  this  head,  it  would  be  proper  first 
to  do  them  justice.  Treat  them  as  subjects,  be 
fore  you  treat  them  as  aliens,  rebels,  and  traitors. 

"  '  My  Lords,  deeply  impressed  with  the  impor 
tance  of  taking  some  healing  measures  at  this  most 
alarming,  distracted  state  of  our  affairs,  though 
bowed  down  with  a  cruel  disease,  I  have  crawl- 


327 

ed  to  this  House  to  give  you  my  best  counsel,  and 
experience,  and  my  advice  is  "  to  beseech  His 
Majesty  &c.  &c."  This  is  the  best  I  can  think 
of.  It  will  convince  America  that  you  mean  to 
try  her  cause  in  the  spirit,  and  by  the  laws  of 
freedom  and  fair  inquiry,  and  not  by  codes  of 
blood.  How  can  she  now  trust  you,  with  the 
bayonet  at  her  breast  ?  She  has  all  the  reason 
in  the  world  now  to  believe  you  mean  to  her 
death  or  bondage.  Thus  entered  on  the  thresh 
old  of  this  business,  I  will  knock  at  your  gates 
for  justice  without  ceasing,  unless  inveterate  in 
firmities  stay  my  hand.  My  Lords,  I  pledge  my 
self  never  to  leave  this  business.  I  will  pursue  it 
to  the  end  in  every  shape.  I  will  never  fail  of 
my  attendance  on  it  at  every  step  and  period  of 
this  great  matter,  unless  nailed  down  to  my  bed 
by  the  severity  of  disease.  My  Lords,  there  is 
no  time  to  be  lost  ;  every  moment  is  big  with 
dangers.  Nay,  while  I  am  now  speaking,  the 
decisive  blow  may  be  struck,  and  millions  involv 
ed  in  the  consequence.  The  very  first  drop  of 
blood  will  make  a  wound,  that  will  not  easily  be 
skinned  over.  Years,  perhaps  ages,  may  not  heal 
it.  It  will  be  immedicabile  vulnus  :  a  wound  of 
that  rancorous,  malignant,  corroding,  festering 


328 

nature,  that  in  all  probability  it  will  mortify  the 
whole  body.  Let  us  then,  my  Lords,  set  to  this 
business  in  earnest !  not  take  it  up  by  bits  and 
scraps,  as  formerly,  just  as  exigencies  pressed, 
without  any  regard  to  general  relations,  connex 
ions,  and  dependencies.  I  would  not  by  any 
thing  I  have  said,  my  Lords,  be  thought  to  en 
courage  America  to  proceed  beyond  the  right  line. 
I  reprobate  all  acts  of  violence  by  her  mobility. 
But  when  her  inherent  constitutional  rights  are 
invaded,  those  rights  she  has  an  equitable  claim 
to  enjoy,  by  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  Eng 
lish  constitution,  and  which  are  engrafted  thereon 
by  the  unalterable  laws  of  nature ;  then  I  own 
myself  an  American,  and  feeling  myself  such, 
shall,  to  the  verge  of  my  life,  vindicate  those  rights 
against  all  men  who  strive  to  trample  upon  or 
oppose  them.' ' 


"  It  surpasses  all  description  how  such  wisdom 
and  such  eloquence  affected  a  right  honourable 
and  right  reverend  senate  of  modern  Britain! 
But  we  may  conjecture  how  such  an  union  would 
have  touched, — to  what  deeds  it  would  have 
moved,  and  to  what  noble  darings  it  would  have 


329 

inspired  a  senate  of  ancient  Sparta,  or  an  assembly 
of  old  Romans.  Indeed,  from  the  effects  of  this 
speech  on  the  great  audience  without  the  bar,  and 
from  my  own  emotions  and  feelings,  the  miracles 
of  ancient  eloquence,  the  blaze  of  genius,  and  the 
burst  of  thought,  with  which  Grecian  and  Roman 
orators  have  been  said  to  work  wonders  in  the 
senate  and  the  field,  no  longer  appeared  fabulous. 

"  Lord  Camden  (undoubtedly  the  first  common 
lawyer  in  England)  spoke  next  on  the  side  of 
America,  and  in  support  of  the  motion.  He 
equalled  Lord  Chatham  in  every  thing  but  that 
fire  and  pathos,  which  are  the  forte  of  his  lord 
ship.  In  learning,  perspicuity,  and  pure  eloquence, 
probably  no  one  ever  surpassed  Lord  Camden. 

"  His  lordship  opened  briefly  upon  the  nature 
of  property,  the  right  of  taxation,  and  its  insepa 
rability  from  representation. 

"  '  My  Lords,  I  will  not  enter  into  the  large 
field  of  collateral  reasoning  applicable  to  the  ab 
struse  distinctions  touching  the  omnipotence  of 
Parliament.  The  declaratory  law  sealed  my  lips, 
and  I  have  been  silent.  But  this  I  will  say,  not 
only  as  a  statesman,  politician,  and  philosopher, 
but  as  a  common  lawyer, — my  Lords,  you  have  no 
right  to  tax  America.  I  have  searched  the  mat- 
42 


330 

ter  ; — I  repeat  it,  my  Lords,  you  have  no  right  to 
tax  America ; — the  natural  rights  of  man,  and  the 
immutable  laws  of  nature,  are  all  with  that  people. 
Much  stress  is  laid  upon  the  supreme  legislative 
authority  of  Great  Britain,  and  so  far  as  the 
doctrine  is  directed  to  its  proper  object,  I  accede 
to  it.  But  it  is  equally  true,  according  to  all 
approved  writers  on  government,  that  no  man, 
agreeably  to  the  principles  of  natural  or  civil 
liberty,  could  be  divested  of  any  part  of  his  prop 
erty  without  his  consent.  Every  thing  has  been 
staked  on  the  single  position  that  the  authority  of 
Parliament  must  be  obeyed  ;  but  this  general, 
unconditional,  unlimited  assertion,  I  am  far  from 
thinking  applicable  to  every  possible  case  that 
may  arise  in  the  turn  of  times.  For  my  part,  I 
imagine,  that  a  power  resulting  from  a  trust 
arbitrarily  exercised,  may  be  lawfully  resisted  ; 
whether  the  power  is  lodged  in  a  collective  body, 
or  single  person  ;  in  the  few,  or  the  many.  How 
ever  modified,  makes  no  difference  ;  whenever 
the  trust  is  wrested  to  the  injury  of  the  people, — 
whenever  oppression  begins,  all  is  unlawful  and 
unjust  ;  and  resistance,  of  course,  becomes  lawful 
and  risht.  But  some  lords  tell  us  seriously  that 

o 

administration  must  reduce  the  Americans  to  obe- 


331 

dience  and  submission  ;  that  is,  you  must  make 
them  absolute  and  infamous  slaves,  and  then — 
what  ? — we  will,  say  they,  give  them  full  liberty. 
Aye  ! — is  this  the  nature  of  man  ?  No,  my 
Lords  ;  I  would  not  trust  myself,  American  as  I 
am,  in  this  situation  ;  I  do  not  think  I  should,  in 
that  case,  be  myself  for  giving  them  their  liberty. 
No,  if  they  sub. -nit ted  to  such  unjust,  such  cruel, 
such  degrading  slavery, — I  should  think  they 
were  made  for  slaves,  that  servility  was  suited  to 
their  nature  and  genius.  I  should  think  they 
would  best  serve  this  country  as  their  slaves, — that 
their  servility  would  be  for  the  benefit  of  Great 
Britain  ;  and  I  should  be  for  keeping  such  Cappa- 
docians  in  a  state  of  servitude,  such  as  was  suited 
to  their  constitution,  and  might  redound  much  to 
our  advantage. 

"  '  My  Lords, — some  noble  lords  talk  much  of 
resistance  to  acts  of  Parliament.  King,  Lords,  and 
Commons,  are  fine  sounding  names  ; — but,  my 
Lords,  acts  of  Parliament  have  been  resisted  in  all 
ages.  King,  Lords,  and  Commons  may  become 
tyrants  as  well  as  others  ; — tyranny  in  one  or 
more,  is  the  same  ; — it  is  as  lawful  to  resist  the 
tyranny  of  many  as  of  one.  Somebody  once  ask 
ed  the  great  Mr  Selden  in  what  law  book,  in 


352 

what  records,  or  archives  of  state,  you  might  find 
the  law  for  resisting  tyranny.  "  I  don't  know," 
said  Mr  Selden,  "  whether  it  is  worth  your  while 
to  look  deeply  into  the  books  upon  this  matter ; 
but  I  '11  tell  you  what  is  most  certain,  that  it  has 
always  been  the  '  custom  of  England,'  and  the 
'  custom  of  England'  is  the  law  of  the  land." 

" '  There  is  a  gentleman,  whom  I  need  not 
name,  his  w7orks  are  well  received,  and  well 
known,  who  avoids  stating  any  rules  when  resist 
ance  is  lawful,  and  he  lays  down  the  revolution 
as  the  only  precedent.  He  says,  that  the  various 
circumstances,  events,  and  incidents,  that  may 
justify,  cannot  be  defined  ;  but  the  people  at  large 
will  judge  of  their  welfare  and  happiness,  and 
act  accordingly.  The  same  writer  says,  that 
whenever  a  case,  exactly  similar  in  all  its  parts 
and  circumstances  occurs,  when  a  case  shall  run 
upon  all  fours  with  that,  then  the  law  seems  to 
be  settled  that  resistance  is  lawful.  I  do  not 
pretend  to  quote  his  words  ;  I  think  his  meaning 
is  very  much  as  I  have  stated  it.  But,  undoubt 
edly,  in  cases  in  many  respects  dissimilar,  but  in 
equal  degree  tyrannical  and  oppressive,  resistance 
may  be  lawful,  and  the  people  in  all  ages,  coun 
tries,  and  climes,  have  at  times  known  these 


333 

things,  and  they  have,  and  they  will  for  ever  act 
accordingly.' 

u  Lord  Shelburne  in  the  course  of  his  argu 
ment  said,  '  My  Lords,  we  know7, — we  all  know, 
that  justice  and  injustice,  right  and  wrong,  are 
not  at  all  considered  in  the  course  of  our  Parlia 
mentary  proceedings.  We  all  know,  that  nothing 
is  debated  in  Parliament  for  information  or  con 
viction,  but  for  mere  form.  Every  thing  is  con- 
sidt  red  in  the  cabinet,  and  brought  into  Parlia 
ment  not  for  consideration,  but  for  the  sanction  of 
the  legislature,  and  the  screening  the  counsellors 
of  the  king.  The  measures  of  the  Parliament 
are  the  measures  of  the  minister,  and  the  meas 
ures  of  this  minister  are  very  often  those  of  his 
commissioner.' 

"  The  Marquis  of  Rockingham  also  supported 
the  motion.  Lords  Littleton,  Suffolk,  Gower, 
Townsend,  Rochford,  and  Wey mouth,  spoke  in 
opposition.  I  omit  stating  what  their  lordships 
said,  lest  I  should  be  suspected  by  any  who  may 
see  this  journal,  of  an  unfair  report  of  their 
speeches.  But  a  very  remarkable  saying  of  Lord 
Govver  I  cannot  omit.  His  Lordship  said,  '  My 
Lords,  I  am  for  enforcing  these  measures, — 
and '  (with  great  sneer  and  contempt)  <  let  the 


334 

Americans  sit  talking  about  their  natural  and  di 
vine  rights  !  their  rights  as  men  and  citizens  ! 
their  rights  from  God  and  nature  ! ' 

"  The  Duke  of  Richmond,  in  the  course  of  his 
speech,  said,  '  Some  nobles  seem  to  think  that 
regular  troops  can  easily  vanquish  raw  soldiers. 
But,  my  Lords,  discipline  was  intended  only  as  a 
substitute  for  what  the  Americans  have  already, — 
attachment  to  their  cause, — virtue  to  inspire, — a 
common  cause, — their  all,  to  keep  them  to  their 
duty.  Americans  will  keep  to  their  duty,  with 
out  discipline.  They  will  keep  to  their  standard 
without  fear  of  discipline  in  case  they  desert  it. 
My  Lords,  Americans  have  the  substance  of  what 
discipline  is  only  the  shadow.  Discipline  is  only 
the  substitute  for  a  common  cause,  to  attach 
through  fear,  and  keep  to  their  ranks  and  standard 
those  who  would  otherwise  desert  them.  But, 
my  Lords,  suppose  you  succeed,  you  cannot  en 
force  these  acts  ;  you  cannot  force  a  form  of  gov 
ernment  upon  any  people.  You  may  spread  fire, 
sword,  and  desolation,  but  that  will  not  be  gov 
ernment.  You  must  change  your  places  as  you 
make  your  march  of  destruction.  When  you 
leave  one  place  to  subdue  another,  your  govern 
ment  is  gone.' 


335 

"  '  You  cannot  force  men  to  serve  in  office. 
You  cannot  force  men  to  be  counsellors,  judges, 
or  sheriffs.  You  cannot  compel  jurors  to  sit  on 
trial.  You  cannot  force  juries  to  present  offen 
ces; — in  short,  no  people  can  ever  be  made  to  sub 
mit  to  a  form  of  government  they  say  they  will 
not  receive.' 

"  The  house  divided  on  the  question  about  ten, 
after  the  preceding  debates. 

"  Contents,  eighteen  ;  non -contents,  seventy- 
seven,  including  proxies. 

"  The  Duke  of  Richmond,  Lord  Shelburne, 
and  Lord  Camden,  pledged  themselves  to  attend 
at  all  hazards,  and  at  all  times,  as  Lord  Chatham 
had  done. 

"  Went  from  the  debates  to  visit  Hugh  Baillie 
LL.  D.,  a  Scotch  gentleman,  of  very  liberal  sen 
timents,  and  a  most  zealous  partizan  of  America. 
I  supped,  and  returned  to  my  lodgings,  and  spent 
most  of  the  night  and  morning  in  entering  the 
preceding  speeches. 

"  January  21st.  Spent  the  morning  with  Dr 
Franklin.  Dined  at  the  exchange  coffee-house 
with  Messrs  Brom field  and  Williams,  and  went 
for  the  first  time  to  the  serious  opera  of  Armida  in 
the  evening.  Some  parts  of  the  music  exquisitely 


336 

fine,  the   dancing  elegant  indeed,  but  in  general  a 
poor  entertainment  for  an  Englishman. 

"January  22d.  Wrote  to  William  Phillips 
Esq. — to  Mrs  Quincy  (a  very  long  letter  contain 
ing  Chatham's  speech), — and  to  Josiah  Quincy 
Esq.  Dined  and  spent  the  evening  with  Dr 
Franklin. 


TO   JOSIAH   QUINCY  ESQ. 

"  London,  January  22,  1775. 
"  Honoured  and  dear  Sir, 

"  I  intend  to  say  nothing  more  in  this  letter 
than  that  I  am  in  health  and  spirits,  having  never 
had  an  ill  day  since  my  arrival  in  this  island.  I 
am  here  doing  my  duty.  Last  Friday  was  a  day 
of  great  happiness  to  me ;  I  heard  a  Chatham, 
and  a  Camden  speak,  for  hours,  on  the  concerns 
of  my  country. 

"  This  letter  is  intended  to  contain  nothing  but 
what  the  spies  of  the  ministry  may  be  willing  to 
let  pass ;  and  having  gratified  their  own  curiosity,  I 
wish  they  may  be  candid  and  generous  enough  to 
let  my  friends  gratify  theirs  also. 

"  Your  affectionate  and  obliged 

"  JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN." 


337 


JOURNAL    CONTINUED. 

"  January  23d.  Attended  a  long  debate  in  the 
House  of  Commons  on  American  affairs.  Speak 
ers  for  the  Americans  :  Burke,  Johnston,  Charles 
Fox,  T.  Townsend,  Lord  J.  Cavendish,  Captain 
Lutterell,  Alderman  Sawbridge,  &x*. — eighty-two. 
Against  the*  Americans :  Sir  William  Mere 
dith,  Lord  North,  Lord  Clare,  Sir  George 
Macartney,  Sir  G.  Eliot,  Lord  Stanley,  &c. — total 
one  hundred  and  ninety-seven. 

"  This  debate  and  division,  show  that  if  King, 
Lords,  and  Commons  can  subdue  America  into 
bondage  against  the  almost  universal  sentiment, 
opinion,  wish,  and  hope  of  the  Englishmen  of  this 
island,  the  deed  will  be  done. 

"  This  night,  for  the  first  time  since  my  arrival, 
I  was  taken  very  ill  with  a  fever  and  spasms. 

"  January  24th.  Visited  by  Dr  Fothergill,  who 
prescribed  for  my  disorder.  Was  this  day  to  have 
dined  at  Mr  Towgood's  with  Dr  Price,  Dr  Frank 
lin,  Dr  Jeffries,  and  Dr  Priestley,  but  my  illness 
prevented  that  pleasure. 

"January  25th.       Visited    by    Dr    Fothergill, 
who  peremptorily  refused  his  fee. 
43 


338 

"  Received  invitations  to  dine  on  Friday  at  Mrs 
Huron's,  Kensington,  &c.  and  on  Sunda)  with  Mr 
Hollis.  Ill  health  obliged  me  to  decline  both. 

u  Dined  with  Lord  Shelburne,  in  company  with 
Lord  Tankerville,  Drs  Franklin,  Price,  Priestley, 
Counsellors  Dunning,  Lee,  Leigh,  and  several 
others.  After  a  very  elegant  entertainment,  his 
Lordship  laid  before  us  copies  of  the  papers  from 
America,  now  lying  before  the  two  Houses  for 
their  consideration. 

"  January  26th.  Visited  by  Dr  Fothergill, 
and  confined  to  my  home  all  day.  Mr  Williams 
watched  with  me  this  night. 

"  January  27th.  Visited  by  Dr  Fothergill, 
who  again  refused  his  fee,  saying,  '  I  consider 
this  as  a  public  cause,  to  which  we  must  all  con 
tribute.'  Waited  upon  by  Mr  Alderman  Saw- 
bridge,  who  spent  an  hour  and  a  half  with  me  in 
conversation  on  American  and  Parliamentary  con 
cerns.  Went  out  to  reside  with  Mr  Bromfield, 
at  Islington,  while  in  my  present  feeble  state  of 
health.  Received  by  this  amiable  family,  and 
treated  with  the  greatest  hospitality  and  kindness. 
It  is  now  the  third  of  February,  during  which 
time  I  have  been  treated  in  the  most  friendly  and 
hospitable  manner. 


339 

"  February  3d.  This  day  Dr  Fothergill  visited 
me,  and  gave  me  new  prescriptions. 

"  February  6th.  Every  day  since  I  have  been 
at  Islington,  I  have  received  the  greatest  evidences 
of  the  number  and  attachment  of  my  friends — 
who  are  many  and  affectionate. 

"  February  9th.  Visited  by  Dr  Fothergill, 
who  again  absolutely  refused  his  fees.  Every  day 
visited  by  more  or  less  of  my  many  friends,  and 
great  numbers  send  daily  to  inquire  after  my 
health,  whom  I  never  saw. 

"  February  24th.  This  day  the  celebrated 
Dr  Burgh  (author  of  '  Political  Disquisitions '), 
who  has  seen  none  but  his  own  family  for  many 
months,  took  a  double  dose  of  opium  to  allay  the 
pain  of  his  disease,  and  sent  for  me  in,  and  I 
spent  about  an  hour  with  him. 

"  February  26th.  Rode  out  for  the  fourth 
time  on  horseback  about  twelve  or  fourteen  miles. 
Evidently  better  when  I  am  in  the  open  air,  and 
the  motion  of  the  horse  not  fatiguing.  My  friends 
redouble  in  the  number  and  frequency  of  their 
visits,  as  the  time  for  my  departure  for  America 
draws  nigh.  Among  many  others  this  past  week, 
I  have  been  visited  by  Drs  Price,  Priestley,  Frank 
lin,  Messrs  Ptogers,  Towgood,  Sheriff  Lee,  Ar 
thur  Lee,  &c.  &c. 


340 

"  It  is  a  good  deal  against  my  own  private 
opinion  and  inclination,  that  I  now  sail  for  Amer 
ica.  I  have  had  no  letter  from  there  since  they 
knew  of  my  arrival.  I  know  not  what  my  next 
letters  may  contain.  Besides  the  fine  season  is 
now  coming  on  here,  and  Dr  Fothergill  thinks 
Bristol  air  and  water  would  give  me  perfect 
health. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  my  most  intimate  friends 
(except  Mr  Bromfield)  insist  upon  my  going 
directly  to  Boston.  They  say,  no  letters  can  go 
with  safety,  and  that  I  can  deliver  more  informa 
tion  and  advice  vivu  voce,  than  could  or  ought 
to  be  written.  They  say,  my  going  now  must  be 
(if  I  arrive  safe)  of  great  advantage  to  the  Amer 
ican  cause. 

"  February  27th.     Went  to  London     *     *     * 

'•  February  28th.  Went  to  Fulham  in  a  post 
chaise  with  Mr  Bromfield,  and  dined  with  Mr 
Abraham  Dupuis,  partner  with  Mr  Thomas  Brom 
field,  a  very  amiable,  sensible  friend  of  liberty. 

"  March  1st.  On  this  day  I  had  about  an 
hour  and  a  half  of  private  conversation  with  Dr 
Franklin,  on  the  subject  of  the  present  situation  of 
American  affairs,  and  what  course  America,  and 
especially  New  England,  ought  now  and  during 
the  spring  and  summer  to  hold. 


341 

"  I  wish  I  might  with  propriety  enter  his  dis 
course. 

"  March  2d.  William  Lee  Esq.,  late  Sheriff, 
came  and  spent  three  hours  with  me  in  conversa 
tion  on  American  affairs.  N.  B.  Gen.  Con. — 

Vote  of  credit  for  the  raising  and  supporting 

for   the   defence  of  the   liberties  of  America,   in 
whatever  part  attacked.     A  proper  person  to 

France  and  Spain. 

"  Supposes  Boston  ought  to  be  abandoned — 
urges  me  much  to  attend  the  congress  at  Philadel 
phia. 

"  This  day,  Thomas  Rogers  Esq.,  banker  near 
the  Exchange,  politely  presented  me  with  all 
Dr  Price's  works,  in  three  volumes,  elegantly 
bound. 

"  March  3d.  This  day  being  the  day  before 
my  departure,  I  dined  with  Dr  Franklin,  and  had 
three  hour's  private  conversation  with  him.  Dis 
suades  from  France  or  Spain.  Intimate  with  both 
the  Spanish  and  French  ambassador,  the  latter  a 
shrewd,  great  man.  By  no  means  take  any  step 
of  great  consequence,  unless  on  a  sudden  emerg 
ency,  without  advice  of  the  continental  congress. 
Explicitly,  and  in  so  many  words,  said,  that  only 
New  England  could  hold  out  for  ages  against  this 


342 

country,  and  if  they  were  firm  and  united,  in  sev 
en  years  would  conquer  them. 

"  Said,  he  had  the  best  intelligence  that  the 
manufacturers  were  bitterly  feeling,  and  loudly 
complaining  of  the  loss  of  the  American  trade. 
Let  your  adherence  be  to  the  non-importation  and 
non-exportation  agreement  a  year  from  next  Sep 
tember,  or  to  the  next  session  of  Parliament,  and 
the  day  is  won. 

"  Received  this  day  from  my  friend,  Thomas 
Brand  Hollis  Esq.,  a  present  of  eight  valuable 
books,  and  eight  pamphlets. 

"  Received  also  two  books  and  two  pamphlets 
from  that  most  worthy  and  extraordinary  charac 
ter,  the  Reverend  Theophilus  Lindsey,  being  the 
whole  of  his  works. 

"  Had  great  satisfaction  in  reading  my  reports 
of  the  debates  of  the  House  of  Lords,  to  one  or 
two  friends  who  heard  them.  They  thought  them 
exceedingly  correct,  and  were  amazed  at  the 
blunders,  omissions,  and  misrepresentations  of  the 
printed  accounts." 


At  this  date,  the  Journal  abruptly  terminates. 
During  the  remainder  of  his  residence  in  London 
the  habitual  activity  of  his  pen  ceased,  either 


343 

through  inability  consequent  on  sickness,  or  oc 
cupation  while  preparing  for  his  homeward  voyage. 
In  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  his  political  friends, 
contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  physician,  and 
in  opposition  to  his  own  declared  opinion  that  his 
recovery  depended  upon  his  remaining  in  England, 
he  embarked  for  Boston,  on  the  sixteenth  of 
March  1775. 

The  following  extracts  from  a  letter  written  by 
him  while  in  the  English  channel  describe  the  state 
of  his  health  and  his  feelings,  at  the  commencement 
of  this  voyage. 


TO  THOMAS  BROMFIEI  D  ESQ.,  LONDON. 

"March  16,  1775. 

"  March  18.     Going  into  Plymouth  Harbour. 
"  Dear  Bromfield, 

"  Paper  being  scarce,  I  am  obliged  to  take 
the  remains  of  a  letter  I  was  beginning  to  you 
two  days  since,  when  the  boat  put  off  and  left  the 
ship.  The  sea  runs  high  and  I  can  scarcely 
write  legibly.  ********** 

A  word  as  to  my  health.  My  cough  is  far 
from  better,  though  in  the  day  time  I  am  troubled 
a  very  trifle  with  it. 


344 

"  I  wrote  you  I  had  been  ill-used  and  deceived. 
I  discover  every  day  more  instances  of  it. 

"  If  we  reach  into  Plymouth  to  night,  I  shall 
have  a  thousand  minds  to  go  to  Bristol.  I  am 
perplexed  much  what  I  ought  to  do.  The  sea 
runs  so  high,  I  must  only  wish  you  and  yours, 
what  my  heart  does  every  day,  as  its  duty  and 
delight,  the  best  of  blessings. 

JOSIAH  QUINCY  JUN. 


This  letter,  the  last  he  ever  wrote,  was  found 
among  his  papers  ;  the  ship  not  having  touched  at 
Plymouth,  or  any  other  British  port.  The  full 
import  of  these  expressions — u  I  have  been  ill-used, 
and  deceived," — cannot  now  be  known.  They 
probably  referred  to  the  want  of  comfortable 
arrangements,  and  suitable  preparations  for  his 
accommodation  on  board  the  vessel.  The  only 
information  his  friends  could  obtain  on  this  sub 
ject,  was  derived  from  one  of  the  inferior  officers 
of  the  ship,  to  whom  they  were  indebted  for  all 
that  is  known  of  the  incidents  of  a  voyage  full  of 
privation  and  suffering.  After  being  five  weeks 
at  sea,  the  wished-for  shore  yet  at  a  distance,  he 
became  convinced  that  his  fate  was  inevitable, — 
and  prepared  to  submit  himself  to  the  will  of 


345 

Heaven  with  heroic  calmness  and  Christian  resig 
nation. 

Under  the  oppression  of  disease  and  amidst 
the  daily  sinking  of  nature,  his  friends,  his  family, 
and  above  all,  his  country,  predominated  in  his 
affections.  He  repeatedly  said  to  the  seaman,  on 
whose  attentions  he  was  chiefly  dependant,  that 
he  had  but  one  desire  and  one  prayer,  which  was, 
that  he  might  live  long  enough  to  have  an  inter 
view  with  Samuel  Adams,  or  Joseph  Warren  ; — 
that  granted,  he  should  die  content.  This  wish 
of  the  patriot's  heart,  Heaven,  in  its  inscrutable 
wisdom,  did  not  grant. 

As  he  drew  towards  his  native  shore,  the 
crisis  he  had  so  long  foreseen  arrived.  The  bat 
tle  of  Lexington  was  fought.  According  to  his 
prediction,  "  his  countrymen  sealed  their  faith  and 
constancy  to  their  liberties  with  their  blood." 
But  he  lived  not  to  hear  the  event  of  that  glori 
ous  day. 

While  yet  the  ship  was  three  days'  sail  from 
land,  exhausted  by  disease,  and  perceiving  his  last 
hour  approach,  he  called  the  seaman  to  the  side  of 
his  birth,  and  being  himself  too  weak  to  write, 
dictated  to  him  a  letter  full  of  the  most  interesting 
and  affecting  communications  to  his  family  and 
44 


346 

nearest  friends.  This  letter  still  exists  among  his 
papers,  in  the  rude  hand  writing  of  an  illiterate 
sailor. 

The  following  extracts,  being  of  a  general  na 
ture,  are  here  inserted,  in  the  language  which  he 

dictated. 

"At  Sea,  April  21,  1775. 

"  Foreseeing  that  there  will  be  many  inexplica 
ble  circumstances  in  the  way  of  my  friends,  to 
account  for  many  things  relating  to  my  conduct, 
I  should  have  been  glad,  if  God  had  spared  my 
life,  to  converse  with  them  once  more.  But  this, 
his  holy  Providence  seems  fully  settled  to  deny. 
Some  few  matters  I  have  prevailed  with  a  friend 
on  board  to  minute  for  their  information. 

My  going  to  America  at  this  time  was  very 
considerably  against  my  inclinations,  especially  as 
Doctor  Fothergill  was  of  opinion  that  Bristol 
waters  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  me.  But 
he  did  not  dissuade  me  from  going  to  America, 
but  advised  it  very  strongly  in  preference  to  my 
staying  in  London,  or  its  environs. 

"  The  most  weighty  motive  of  all  that  deter 
mined  my  conduct,  was  the  extreme  urgency  of 
about  fifteen  or  twenty  most  stanch  friends  to 
America,  and  many  of  them  the  most  learned  and 


347 

respectable  characters  in  the  kingdom,  for  my 
immediately  proceeding  to  Boston.  Their  senti 
ments  what  ought  to  be  the  conduct  of  Boston, 
and  of  the  continent,  at  this,  and  the  approaching 
season,  I  had  heard  very  often  in  the  social  cir 
cle;  and  in  what  things  they  differed  I  perfectly 
knew.  It  appeared  of  high  importance  that  the 
sentiments  of  such  persons  should  be  known  in 
America.  To  commit  their  sentiments  to  writ 
ing,  was  neither  practicable  nor  prudent  at  this 
time.  To  the  bosom  of  a  friend  they  could  in 
trust  what  might  be  of  great  advantage  to  my 
country.  To  me  that  trust  was  committed,  and 
I  was,  immediately  upon  my  arrival,  to  assemble 
certain  persons,  to  whom  I  was  to  communicate 
my  trust,  and  had  God  spared  my  life,  it  seems 
it  would  have  been  of  great  service  to  my  country. 


*  *  Ever  since  I  have  been  out,  almost 
every  thing  has  been  different  from  what  I  ex 
pected.  Instead  of  pleasant  weather,  the  most 
inclement  and  damp,  which  removes  me  entirely 
from  the  deck,  and  when  I  was  flattered  with  the 
hope  of  getting  into  port  six  days  ago,  I  am  yet 
here,  as  distant  from  it  as  when  the  fcncoura£e- 


348 

ment  was  given  me.  Had  Providence  been  pleas 
ed  that  I  should  have  reached  America  six  days 
ago,  I  should  have  been  able  to  converse  with  my 
friends.  I  am  persuaded  that  this  voyage  and 
passage  are  the  instruments  to  put  an  end  to  my 
being.  His  holy  will  be  done  !  " 


"  Mr  Quincy  is  so  low,  that  he  probably  will 
not  be  able  to  read  a  word  of  the  foregoing,  but 
it  is  to  be  hoped  it  will  be  intelligible  with  a  little 
pains." 


Such  is  the  last  notice  of  the  close  of  the  life 
of  Josiah  Quincy  Jun.  On  the  twenty-sixth  of 
April  1 775,  within  sight  of  that  beloved  country 
which  he  was  not  permitted  to  reach  ;  neither 
supported  by  the  kindness  of  friendship,  nor 
cheered  by  the  voice  of  affection,  he  expired ; — 
not,  indeed,  as,  a  few  weeks  afterwards,  did  his 
friend  and  co-patriot,  Warren,  in  battle,  on  a  field 
ever  memorable  and  ever  glorious  ;  but  in  solitude, 
amidst  suffering,  without  associate,  and  without 
witness  ;  yet  breathing  forth  a  dying  wish  for  his 
country,  desiring  to  live  only  to  perform  towards 
her  a  last  and  signal  service. 


349 

A  few  hours  after  his  death,  the  ship  with  his 
lifeless  remains,  entered  the  harbour  of  Gloucester, 
Cape  Ann. 

His  arrival  had  been  anticipated  with  anxious 
solicitude,  and  the  intelligence  of  his  death  was 
received  with  an  universal  sorrow.  By  his  fam 
ily  and  immediate  friends,  the  event  was  mourned 
as  the  extinction  of  their  brightest  hope.  His 
contemporaries,  faithful  to  his  virtues,  and  deep 
ly  sensible  of  his  services,  early  associated  his 
name  with  those  most  honoured  and  most  beloved 
of  the  period  in  which  he  lived.  It  was  his  lot 
to  compress  events  and  exertions,  sufficient  for 
a  long  life,  within  the  compass  of  a  few  short 
years.  To  live  forever  in  the  hearts  of  his  coun 
trymen,  and  by  labour  and  virtue  to  become 
immortal  in  the  memory  of  future  times,  were  the 
strong  passions  of  his  soul.  That  he  was  prohib 
ited  from  filling  the  great  sphere  of  usefulness  for 
which  his  intellectual  powers  seemed  adapted 
and  destined,  is  less  a  subject  of  regret,  than  it 
is  of  joy  and  gratitude  that  he  was  permitted,  in 
so  short  a  time,  to  perform  so  noble  a  part,  and 
that  to  his  desire  has  been  granted  so  large  a 
portion  of  "  that  imperishable  meed,"  which,  be 
yond  all  earthly  reward,  was  the  object  of  his 
search  and  solicitude. 


350 

The  distracted  state  of  the  country,  and  the 
military  force  concentrated  within  and  about  Bos 
ton,  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  in 
terrupted  communication  and  denied  to  his  family 
the  consolation  of  paying  the  last  sad  tribute  to 
his  remains.  Many  of  his  nearest  connexions 
were  dispersed  by  the  siege  of  Boston.  His  wife 
had  been  detained  in  the  town  by  the  dangerous 
illness  of  both  their  children.  Their  only  daugh 
ter  died  on  the  thirteenth  of  April,  1775.  After 
this  event,  with  her  only  remaining  child,  she  had 
sought  the  protection  of  her  parents  at  their  place 
of  refuge  at  Norwich  in  Connecticut. 

The  inhabitants  of  Gloucester,  upon  whom 
devolved  the  melancholy  duty,  in  performing  his 
funeral  rites,  testified  at  once  their  own  respect 
for  his  memory,  and  the  public  sympathy  for  his 
loss. 

In  his  will  dated  "  February  28,  1774,"  after 
enumerating  various  legacies  and  tokens  of  re 
membrance  to  his  friends  and  relations,  the  follow 
ing  clause  occurs  : — "  I  give  to  my  son,  when  he 
shall  arrive  to  the  age  of  fifteen  years,  Algernon 
Sidney's  works, — John  Locke's  works, — Lord 
Bacon's  works, — Gordon's  Tacitus, — and  Cato's 
Letters.  May  the  spirit  of  liberty  rest  upon 
him!" 


351 

His  literary  and  political  manuscripts  were 
entrusted  to  his  wife,  during  the  minority  of  his 
son,  and  through  her  careful  execution  of  the  trust 
they  remain  in  perfect  preservation.  In  case  of 
his  son's  dying  a  minor,  he  bequeathed  two  thou 
sand  pounds  sterling  to  Harvard  University,  for 
the  purpose  of  founding  a  professorship  of  Moral 
Philosophy,  Law,  and  Oratory. 

The  executors  named  in  this  will  are  Francis 
Dana,  Jonathan  Jackson,  John  Adams,  William 
Phillips  Jun.,  and  John  Lowell.  The  selection 
of  these  individuals  not  only  shows  the  high 
place  they  held  in  his  esteem,  but  the  judgment 
with  which  he  discriminated  ability  and  worth. 
The  general  voice  of  society  has  long  since  con 
firmed  his  opinion,  and  these  names  in  the  pro 
gress  of  years  have  become  synonymous  with 
whatever  is  upright  and  honourable.  The  trust 
was  fulfilled  with  characteristic  judgment  and  in 
tegrity  by  his  brother-in-law,  William  Phillips  jun. 

The  letter  dictated  by  Mr  Quincy  in  the  last 
moments  of  his  life,  contained  a  direction  that  his 
remains  should  be  deposited  in  a  tomb  which  he 
ordered  to  be  built  at  Braintree. 

As  soon  as  the  theatre  of  the  war  had  been  trans 
ferred  to  the  other  colonies,  and  Massachusetts 


352 

was  left  in  comparative  tranquillity,  that  request 
was  complied  with  by  his  father,  and  his  remains 
were  removed  from  Gloucester  to  the  burial 
ground  of  Braintree,  (now  Quincy.) 

After  the  death  of  his  widow  in  1798,  a  monu 
ment  was  erected  to  their  memory,  on  which  is 
the  following  inscription,  written  by  John  Quincy 
Adams. 


353 


Sacred 
To  the  memory 

of 
JOSTAH    QUTNCY  JUN. 

Of  Boston,  Barrister  at  Law. 
Brilliant  talents,  uncommon  eloquence, 

And  indefatigable  application, 

Raised  him  to  the  highest  eminence  in  his  profession. 
His  early,  enlightened,  inflexible  attachment 

To  the  Cause  of  his  Country, 
Is  attested  by  monuments  more  durable  than  this, 

And  transmitted  to  posterity 
By  well  known  productions  of  his  genius. 
He  was  born,  the  23d  of  February,  1744; 

And  died  the  26th  of  April  1775, 

His  mortal  remains  are  here  deposited,  with 

Those  of  Abigail,  his  wife,  daughter  of  William  Phillips  Esq. 

of  Boston, 
Born  the  14th  of  April  1745.    Died  the  25th  of  March  1798. 

STRANGER, 

In  contemplating  this  monument,  the  frail  tribute 
Of  filial  gratitude,  and  affection, 

Glows  thy  bold  breast  with  patriotic  flame  ? 
Let  his  example  point  the  paths  of  fame  ! 
Or  seeks  thy  heart,  averse  from  public  strife; 
The  milder  graces  of  domestic  life  ? 
Her  kindred  virtues  let  thy  soul  revere, 
And  o'er  the  best  of  mothers  drop  a  tear. 


45 


OBSERVATIONS 

ON    THE 

ACT  OF   PARLIAMENT 

COMMONLY   CALLED 
THE 

BOSTON  PORT-BILL; 

WITH 

THOUGHTS 

ON 

CIVIL    SOCIETY 

AND 

STANDING    ARMIES. 
BY   JOSIAH    QUINCY,  JUN'R. 


BRITONS  arise  ! -... 

And  show  you  have  the  Virtue  to  be  mov'd. 

POPE. 

NTJLLA  FIDES,  pietasq ;  viris,  qui  CA3TRA  sequuntur, 
VENALESauE  MANUS  :  ibi  fas,  ubi  maxima  merces. 

LUCAN. 

Our  necks  are  under  PERSECUTION. 

LAM.  v.  5. 

What  MAN  can  do  against  them,  not  afraid, 

Though  to  THE  DEATH  ;  against  such  CRUELTIES 

With  inward  consolation  recompenc'd  : 

And  oft  supported  so,  as  shall  amaze 

Their  PROUDEST  PERSECUTORS.        MILTON. 

They  that  be  slain  by  THE  SWORD  are  better  than  they 
that  be  slain  with  hunger.  LAM.  iv.  9. 


BOSTON:     N.  E. 

PRINTED  FOR  AND  SOLD  BY  E  D  E  S  AND  GILL,  IN 

QUEEN-STREET,     1774. 


To  THE  FREEHOLDERS  AND  YEOMANRY  OF  MY 
COUNTRY. 

THE  virtue,  strength,  and  fortitude  of  a  state 
generally  reside  in  the  Freeholders  of  the  nation. 
In  you,  gentlemen,  as  the  landed  interest  of  the 
country,  do  I  place  my  confidence,  under  God,  at 
this  day. 

To  you,   gentlemen,   therefore,  I  dedicate  this 
temporary  work,  as  a  testimony  of  that  great  re 
spect  and  warm  affection,  with  which 
I  am 

Your  friend  and  countryman, 

JOSIAH  QuiNCY  JUN. 

Boston,  May  14,  1774. 


PREFACE. 

THE  statute  of  the  14th  George  3d,  received  in 
the  last  ships  from  London,  (entitled  "  An  Act  to 
discontinue,  in  such  manner,  and  for  such  time, 
as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  landing  and  dis 
charging,  the  lading  or  shipping  of  goods,  wares, 
merchandize,  at  the  town,  and  within  the  har 
bour  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  North  America,")  gave  rise  to  the  fol 
lowing  Observations.  They  will  appear  thrown 
together  in  haste  ;  and  as  the  writer  was  out  of 
town  on  business,  almost  every  day  the  sheets 
were  printing  off,  no  doubt  many  errors  of  the 
press  escaped  correction. 

The  inaccuracies  of  a  sudden  production  from 
one  of  infirm  health,  perplexed  with  various 
avocations,  will  receive  a  mild  censure  :  more 
material  faults,  friends  may  be  prone  to  forgive  ; 
but  from  enemies — public  or  private — we  are 
never  to  expect  indulgence  or  favour. 


OBSERVATIONS. 


IN  times  of  public  calamity,  it  is  the  duty  of  a 
good  citizen  to  consider.  If  his  opportunities  or 
advantages,  for  knowledge  and  reflection,  are 
greater  than  those  of  mankind  in  general,  his 
whole  duty  will  remain  undischarged,  while  he 
confines  his  thoughts  to  the  compass  of  his  own 
mind.  But  if  danger  is  added  to  the  calamity  of 
the  times,  he  who  shall  communicate  his  senti 
ments  on  public  affairs  with  decency  and  frank 
ness,  merits  attention  and  indulgence,  if  he  may 
not  aspire  to  approbation  and  praise. 

Whoever  attends  to  the  tenor  and  design  of  the 
late  act  of  the  British  Parliament  for  the  block 
ade  of  this  harbour,  and  duly  considers  the  exten 
sive  confusion  and  distress  this  measure  must 
inevitably  produce  ;  whoever  shall  reflect  upon 
the  justice,  policy,  and  humanity  of  legislators, 
who  could  deliberately  give  their  sanction  to  such 
a  procedure, — must  be  satisfied,  that  the  man, 
who  shall  openly  dare  to  expose  their  conduct, 
hazards  fatal  consequences.  Legislators,  who 
46 


362 

could  condemn  a  whole  town  unheard,  nay  uncit- 
ed  to  answer  ;  who  could  involve  thousands  in 
ruin  and  misery,  without  suggestion  of  any  crime 
by  them  committed  ;  and  who  could  so  construct 
their  law,  as  that  enormous  pains  and  penalties 
would  inevitably  ensue,  notwithstanding  the  most 
perfect  obedience  to  its  injunctions;  I  say,  that 
legislators,  thus  formed  as  men,  thus  principled  as 
statesmen,  would  undoubtedly  imagine  the  attain 
der  and  death  of  a  private  individual,  for  his  pub 
lic  animadversions,  a  less  extraordinary  act  of 
power.*  But  all  exertions  of  duty  have  their 

*  Since  this  treatise  was  advertised  in  the  public  papers, 
as  being  in  the  press,  the  author  hath  received,  from  the  Brit 
ish  coffee-house,  an  anonymous  letter,  in  which  he  is  repre 
sented  as  being  "  in  imminent  hazard  of  the  loss  of  life  and 
confiscation  of  estate."  a  You  will,"  says  the  writer,  "  very 
probably  get  into  the  hands  of  a  power,  from  which  no  power 
you  can  look  to,  will  be  able  to  deliver  you."  There  is,  says 
the  writer,  "  but  one  expedient  left  to  save  you  :" "  Em 
ploy,  for  God's  sake,  those  rare  talents,  with  which,"  saith  the 
artful  flatterer,  "'•'  he  hath  blessed  you,  in  convincing  the  people 
that  they  have  nothing  to  do,  but  to  submit,  and  make  their 
peace  with  government : — You  may,"c  ontinues  he,  "  by  this 
means  probably  make  your  peace,  and  ward  off  the  punish 
ment  that  hangs  over  your  head.  It  is  barely  possible,  that 
government  may  still  continue  its  great  lenity,  and  over 
look  your  offences."  The  reader  is  left  to  his  own  reflections. 


363 

hazard  : — if  dread  of  parliamentary  extravagance 
is  to  deter  from  public  energies,  the  safety  of  the 
commonwealth  will  soon  be  despaired  of;  and 
when  once  a  sentiment  of  that  kind  prevails, 
the  excesses  of  present  enormities  so  rapidly  in 
crease,  that  strides,  at  first  appearance  exorbi 
tant,  will  soon  be  found — but  the  beginning  of 
evils.  We  therefore  consider  it  as  a  just  observa 
tion,  that  the  weight  and  velocity  of  public  op 
pressions  are  ever  in  a  ratio  proportionate  to  pri 
vate  despondency  and  public  despair. 

He  who  shall  go  about  to  treat  of  important 
and  perilous  concerns,  and  conceals  himself  be 
hind  the  curtain  of  a  feigned  signature,  gives  an 
advantage  to  his  adversaries  ;  who  will  not  fail 
to  stigmatize  his  thoughts,  as  the  notions  of  an 
unknown  writer,  afraid  or  ashamed  to  avow  his 
sentiments  ;  and  hence  they  are  deemed  unworthy 
of  notice  and  refutation.  Therefore  I  give  to  the 
world  both  my  sentiments  and  name  upon  the 
present  occasion,  and  shall  hear  with  patience 
him,  who  will  decently  refute  what  is  advanced, 
and  shall  submit  with  temper  to  that  correction 
and  chastisement  which  my  errors  deserve. 

The  act  now  under  consideration  opens  with 
a  recital,  that  "  dangerous  commotions  and  insur- 


364 

rections  have  been  fomented  and  raised  in  Boston 
— by  divers  ill-affected  persons,  to  the  subversion 
of  His  Majesty's  government,  and  to  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  public  peace,  and  good  order  of 
the  said  town  ;  in  which  commotions  and  insur 
rections  certain  valuable  cargoes  of  teas,  being 
the  property  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  on 
board  certain  vessels  lying  within  the  bay  or  har 
bour  of  Boston,  were  seized  and  destroyed  ;  and 
in  "the  present  condition  of  said  town  and  harbour, 
the  commerce  of  His  Majesty's  subjects  cannot 
be  safely  carried  on  there,  nor  the  customs  pay 
able  to  His  Majesty  be  duly  collected." 

Two  questions  naturally  arise  out  of  this  pre 
amble  :  the  first,  whether  the  facts  set  forth  are 
true  ;  and  secondly,  whether  upon  a  supposition 
of  their  truth,  they  are  a  sufficient  foundation 
for  the  subsequent  parts  of  the  statute,  or  will 
\varrant  the  disabilities,  forfeitures,  pains,  and 
penalties,  enacted  and  inflicted  on  the  subject  ? — 
Both  inquiries  seem  intimately  to  concern  the 
honour  and  justice  of  the  British  legislature. 
And  however  unimportant  the  judgment  of  Amer 
icans  may  now  appear  to  that  august  body,  yet 
surely  the  judgment  of  Europe  and  future  ages  is 
not  unworthy  their  high  consideration.  Removed 


365 

from  the  eye  of  royalty,  the  piety  of  a  sovereign 
may  cease  to  pity  miseries  it  doth  not  behold  ; 
remote  from  the  cries  of  public  justice,  and  the 
efforts  of  popular  despair,  lords  and  commons 
may  remain  unaffected,  for  a  season,  with  Amer 
ican  convulsions  ;  yet  justice  and  humanity  must 
soon  excite  those  operations  in  America  and 
Europe,  which  hereafter  will  move  even  the  sen 
ate  of  Britain.  True  knowledge  and  real  virtue 
perhaps  were  never  more  diffused  than  on  this 
northern  continent  ;  refined  humanity  (it  is  boast 
ed)  was  never  more  predominant  than  in  Europe 
at  this  day.  Can  it  be  supposed,  that  this  virtue 
will  be  discordant  and  inactive  ;  that  this  knowl 
edge  will  omit  to  unfold  public  wrongs,  or  that 
such  humanity  will  cease  to  interpose  ? 

That  commotions  were  in  Boston  ;  that  East 
India  tea  was  destroyed,  are  facts  not  controvert 
ed.  But  that  such  commotions  were  naturally  to 
be  expected  ;  trrit  they  were  such  as  statesmen 
must  have  foreseen,  and  a  father  of  his  country, 
who  foresaw,  would  prevent,  rather  than  punish, 
is  equally  true.  The  sentiments  of  all  Americans 
relative  to  the  tea  act  are  no  secret,  their  fervor 
in  the  common  cause  equally  known ;  and  their 
probable  intemperance  in  consequence  of  the  arri- 


366 

val  of  India  teas,  it  required  no  profound  skill  in 
men  and  politics  to  predict.  Nay  the  British 
papers  were  full,  and  the  senate  echoed,  with 
predictions  similar  to  those  which  are  now  ful 
filled.  It  was  not  difficult  for  Englishmen  in 
Britain  to  tell  how  Englishmen  in  America  would 
conduct  on  such  occasions.  What  shall  we  then 
say  ?  Shall  we  impute  to  those,  who  are  digni 
fied  as  "  the  wisest  and  most  august, "  the  barba 
rous  project — deliberately  to  ensnare,  that  they 
might  superlatively  punish  ?  The  calm  delibera 
tion  of  premeditated  malice  seems  rather  more 
characteristic  of  a  private  bosom,  than  a  public 
body.  But  Governor  Hutchinson  (the  represent 
ative  of  His  Majesty  in  this  province),  when 
treating  upon  an  act  of  the  Massachusetts  govern 
ment  imposing  a  tax  or  duty  upon  goods  of  the 
inhabitants  of  other  colonies,  hath  assured  us, 
that  "  in  all  ages  and  countries,  by  bodies  and 
communities  of  men  such  deeds  have  been  done 
as  most  of  the  individuals  of  which  such  commu 
nities  consisted,  acting  separately,  would  have 
been  ashamed  of:"* — an  observation  that  his  Ex 
cellency  might  have  imbibed  from  that  prince  of 

*Mass.  Hist.  Vol.  ii.  p.  156. 


367 

historians,  Dr  Robertson.  "  To  abandon  usurped 
power,  to  renounce  lucrative  error,  are  sacrifices, 
which  the  virtue  of  individuals  has,  on  some 
occasions,  offered  to  truth  ;  but  from  any  society 
of  men,  no  such  effort  can  be  expected.  The 
corruptions  of  society,  recommended  by  common 
utility,  and  justified  by  universal  practice,  are 
viewed  by  its  members,  without  shame  or  horror ; 
and  reformation  never  proceeds  from  themselves, 
but  is  always  forced  upon  them  by  some  foreign 
hand."*  "  Caesar,  Lepidus,  and  Antony,"  says 
Plutarch,  "  show,  that  no  beast  is  more  savage 
than  man,  when  possessed  of  power  equal  to  his 
passion."  If  the  sentiments  of  Dr  Robertson  are 
just,  have  we  not  cause  to  fear  from  very  powerful 
states  and  legislators  an  equal  ferocity  ?  And  it 
is  an  observation  of  the  illustrious  Lord  Claren 
don,  that  it  is  the  nature  of  man,  rather  to  commit 
two  errors,  than  to  retract  one.  When  elevated 
characters  commit  a  second  error,  it  carries  the 
air  of  an  intended  discovery,  how  little  they  feel 
for  the  first,  how  much  they  despise  the  people, 
how  much  they  are  above  shame,  fear,  and  amend 
ment.  But  to  heighten  cruelty  by  wantonness, 

*  Hist.  Scotland,  Vol.  i.  p.  167. 


368 

to  render  it  more  pungent  by  insult,  are  such  ex 
orbitances,  as  seldom  disgrace  the  records  of  man 
kind.  But  whenever  such  instances  occur,  they 
strikingly  verify  that  eternal  truth  recorded  in 
the  House  of  Lords, — "  It  is  much  easier  to  res 
train  liberty  from  running  into  licentiousness  than 
power  from  swelling  into  tyranny  and  oppress 
ion."*  Can  it  add  dignity  to  this  noble  senti 
ment,  or  weight  to  this  important  truth,  to  say, 
that  among  the  illustrious  personages  who  sub 
scribed  it  with  their  hands  and  transmitted  it  to 
posterity,  we  find  a  "  Chesterfield"  and  "  Cob- 
ham,"  a  "  Strafford"  and  a  "Bathurst,"  a"  Hav- 
ersham"  and  "Govver?" 

But  to  return.  Are  popular  commotions  pecu 
liar  to  Boston  ?  Hath  not  every  maritime  town 
in  England  been  repeatedly  affected  by  them  ? 
Are  they  not  incident  to  every  commercial  and 
populous  city  ?  Whence  then  is  it,  that  Boston 
is  devoted  to  such  unexampled  treatment?  But 
it  may  be  said,  Boston,  as  a  town,  hath  aided, 
abetted,  and  participated  in  these  tumults.  Where 
is  the  evidence  of  it  ?  I  presume  the  Lords  and 
Commons  of  Great  Britain  had  none  ;  for  they 

*  Lord's  Prot.  Edit.  1767-  Vol.  ii.  p.  141.  Anno  1736. 


369 

do  not  suggest  it  ;  I  presume  they  did  not  believe 
it,  because  they  have  not  intimated  it.  And  had 
they  been  furnished  with  such  evidence,  had  they 
believed  the  fact,  surely  it  is  an  imputation  un 
worthy  of  their  dignity,  to  say,  that  they  would 
not  have  given  that  matter  in  the  preamble  of  the 
statute,  as  the  ground  of  their  extraordinary  pro 
cedure.  But  the  records  of  Boston,  and  known 
facts,  prove  that  the  inhabitants  discountenanced 
and  disavowed  all  riot  and  disorder.  I  am  thus 
warranted  in  saying,  that  the  mere  occurrences 
expressed  in  the  act,  is  that  matter  which  the 
British  legislature  have  judged  worthy  the  most 
unparalleled  penal  severities.  Whether  this  judg 
ment  be  right,  is  a  subject  interesting  to  a  citizen 
of  the  town  to  inquire  ;  it  is  a  subject  on  which 
a  man  will  speak  feelingly  ;  on  which  an  English 
man  will  speak  freely  and  openly. 

Previous  to  further  observations,  it  may  be 
necessary  to  say,  that  the  town  of  Boston  had,  as 
a  town,  cautiously  and  wisely  conducted  itself; 
not  only  without  tumult,  but  with  studied  regard 
to  established  law.  This  the  rolls  of  the  town 
verify,  and  a  hundred  witnesses  can  confirm. 

At  the  last  town-meeting  relative  to  the  East 
India  tea  and  its  consignees,  it  was  largely  debat- 
47 


370 

ed  whether  it  should  be  an  instruction  to  the 
committee,  who  were  appointed  to  wait  on  those 
gentlemen,  to  insist  on  their  peremptory  answer, 
— whether  they  would  send  back  the  tea  ;  and 
after  long  debate  on  the  question,  it  passed  by  a 
very  large  majority  in  the  negative.  And  the 
greatest  enemy  of  the  country  cannot  point  out 
any  one  step  of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  pro 
gress  of  this  matter,  that  was  tumultuous,  disorder 
ly,  and  against  law.  This  also  is  an  additional 
reason,  why  we  must  conclude  that  the  mere 
temporary  events  which  took  place  in  Boston, 
without  any  illegal  procedure  of  the  town,  in  the 
matter  of  the  tea,  are,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Brit 
ish  senate,  an  adequate  foundation  for  the  last 
act  received  from  that  powerful  body. 

The  first  enacting  clause  of  the  statute  now 
in  view,  annihilates  all  commercial  transactions 
within  two  certain  points  of  the  harbour  of  Bos 
ton,  upon  pain  of  the  forfeiture  of  "  goods,  wares, 
and  merchandise,  and  of  boat,  lighter,  ship,  ves 
sel,  or  other  bottom  ;  and  of  the  guns,  ammuni 
tion,  tackle,  furniture,  and  stores,  in  or  belonging 
to  the  same;"  "  and  of  any  barge,  hoy,  lighter, 
wherry,  or  boat,  into  which  any  goods  &,c.  are 
laden,"  &c. 


371 

The  next  paragraph,  "  in  case  any  wharfinger, 
fcc.  or  any  of  their  servants  shall  take  up  or  land, 
or  knowingly  suffer  to  be  taken  up  or  landed,  or 
shall  ship  off,  or  suffer  to  be  water-borne,  at  or 
from  any  of  their  said  wharves,  &c.  goods  &c." 
enacts  a  forfeiture  and  loss  of  such  u  goods  &c. 
and  treble  the  value  thereof,  to  be  computed  at 
the  highest  price  of  such  sort  of  goods,  &c. 
together  with  the  vessels  and  boats,  and  all  the 
horses,  cattle,  and  carriages,  whatsoever,  made 
use  of  in  the  shipping,  unshipping,  landing,  re 
moving,  carriage,  or  conveyance  of  any  of  the 
aforesaid  goods,"  &x*. 

The  next  clause  provides,  "  that  if  any  ship  &c. 
shall  be  moored  or  lie  at  anchor,  or  be  seen  hov 
ering  within  said  bay,  &c.  or  within  one  league 
from  the  said  bay,  &c.  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful 
for  any  Admiral,  or  commissioned  officer  of  His 
Majesty's  fleet  or  ships  of  war,  or  for  any  officer 
of  His  Majesty's  customs,  to  compel  such  ship 
or  vessel  to  depart  to  some  other  port  or  harbour, 
or  to  such  station  as  the  said  officer  shall  appoint, 
and  to  use  such  force  for  that  purpose  as  shall  be 
found  necessary  :  and  if  such  ship  or  vessel  shall 
not  depart  accordingly  within  six  hours  after 
notice  for  that  purpose  given  by  such  person  as 


.572 

aforesaid,  such  ship  or  vessel,  together  with  all 
the  goods  laden  on  board  thereon,  and  all  the 
guns,  ammunition,  tackle,  and  furniture  shall  be 
forfeited  and  lost,  whether  bulk  shall  have  been 
broken  or  not." 

Let  us  here  pause  for  a  moment ;  let  us  give 
time  for  one  single  reflection ;  let  us  give  space  for 
one  pulse  of  the  veins — one  emotion  of  the  heart. 
And  who  can  think,  but  those  exalted  characters 
and  that  generous  prince,  styled  the  father  of  all 
his  people — who  united  to  this  terrible  act,  had 
many  reflections,  many  feelings  of  humanity,  while 
they  were  solemnly  consigning  thousands — if  not 
millions — to  ruin,  misery,  and  desperation  ? 

The  persons  in  whom  this  authority  is  vested 
are  not  confined  to  the  ports  or  harbours  on  this 
continent :  the  vessel  and  cargo  may  be  ordered  to 
what  harbour,  port,  or  station  of  the  whole  world, 
the  officer  pleases — if  he  appoint  a  continental 
station,  it  is  grace  and  favour  ; — and  what  may 
be  the  price  of  that  purchase,  who  can  tell  ?  what 
scope  for  malice  and  ill-will;  for  pride  and  haughti 
ness  ;  for  avarice  and  power  to  wanton  and  insult, 
till  the  one  is  satiated  and  the  other  wearied  ! 

Who  are  the  persons  to  whom  such  unbounded, 
such  enormous  power  is  entrusted  ?  Power  is 


373 

known  to  be  intoxicating  in  its  nature,  and,  in  pro 
portion  to  its  extent,  is  ever  prone  to  wantonness. 
Power  and  authority,  says  Plutarch,  awaken  every 
passion,  and  discover  every  latent  vice.     What  a 
cogent  temptation  is  here   placed  to  insnare  the 
most  virtuous  ?  But  if  there  be  one  depraved  pas 
sion  in  the  bosom,  as  power  gives   scope  and   op 
portunity,  how  soon   will   it   be  called  forth   into 
licentious  exercise  ?  Shall  I  be  thought  going  too 
far,  shall  I  trespass  upon  the  bounds  of  truth  and 
decency,    if  I    say,    that   some   of  His  Majesty's 
commissioned  officers,  in  his  fleet,  or  ships  of  war  - 
some  officers   of  his   customs,   are   not  altogether 
worthy  of  such  high  confidence  and   trust?     Are 
there    not   inferior    commissioned    officers   in  the 
King's   ships  ;  are  there   not  many  of  the   lower 
officers  of  the  customs,  who  have  neither  strength 
of  understanding   nor  integrity  of  heart  to   wield 
such  a  mighty  power  ?    Nay,  may  not  I  add,  that 
some  few  (into  whose  hands  peradventure,  the  es 
tate  of  a  good  subject  and  opulent  merchant  may 
chance  to  fall)  are  destitute   of  all  sense,   mental 
and  humane?  While  contemplating  this  subject, — 
while  the  miad  is  active,   and  heart  warm, — how 
apt  are  we  to  forget,  that  the  illustrious   Houses, 
who  gave  their  sanction  to   this   astonishing    law, 


374 

are  dignified  as  learned  and  venerable  ;  and  the 
Prince  that  gave  his  Jiat,  denominated — "  The 
wisest  and  best  of  Kings?" 

Declining  an  entrance  upon  matters  heretofore 
discussed  by  abler  heads,  I  have  omitted  all  obser 
vation  on  the  right  and  policy  of  the  claims  and 
laws  of  Great  Britain  over  the  colonies  ;  upon  the 
same  principle  I  waive  entering  that  copious  field 
which  is  presented,  by  that  part  of  the  present  act, 
which  provides  for  the  recovery  of  all  forfeitures 
and  penalties  in  the  courts  of  admiralty, — whose 
extended  jurisdiction  hath  been  matter  of  very 
great  grievance,  heart-burnings,  and  complaint ; 
whose  judges  hold  their  commissions  by  the  tenure 
of  will  and  pleasure ;  and  whose  large  salaries  are 
a  most  powerful  incentive  to  the  desire  of — well- 
pleasing  all  on  whom  they  depend. 

Another  passage  in  this  statute  makes  utterly 
void  all  contracts,  "  for  consigning,  shipping,  or 
carrying  any  goods  &c.  to  or  from  the  harbour 
of  Boston,  which  have  been  made  or  entered  into, 
or  which  shall  be  made  or  entered  into,  so  long  as 
the  act  continues  in  force,  relating  to  any  ship 
which  shall  arrive  at  said  town  or  harbour  after 
the  first  day  of  June. 


1-1 


375 

Jurisprudents  End  the  sages  of  the  law  for  cen 
turies  have  taught,  that  retrospective  or  post  facto 
statutes,  were  i-ot  only  militant  with  the  principles 
of  sound  morals,  but  those  also  of  political  wisdom. 
But  the  Parliament,  who  by  the  bold  figure  of 
common  lawyers  are  styled  omnipotent,  here  en 
force  a  different  doctrine.  The  English  colonist? 
replete  with  loyalty  to  his  sovereign ;  the  descend 
ant  from  Britain,  animated  by  love  for  a  mother 
country,  represses  the  excursions  of  his  under 
standing  and  passions  :  but  the  subject  or  native 
of  another  state  will  feel  no  such  restraint.  He 
has  contracted  to  send  his  merchandise  to  this  port? 
expects  his  returns  in  the  commodities  of  the 
country — in  compliance  with  his  obligations,  his 
treasures  are  moving  with  hazard  upon  the  ocean, 
with  hopes  warm  for  gain.  The  ship  (in  which 
perad  venture  he  hath  risked  his  life  as  well  as 
fortune),  after  many  a  toil  and  jeopardy,  reaches 
the  destined  port.  But  how  are  his  hopes  baffled — 
how  will  he  rage  and  exclaim,  vast  ha/e  been 
his  expenses  to  prepare  for  his  adventure,  and 
equally  great  his  expectations  from  the  Boston 
merchant !  What  guilt  hath  he  contracted,  what 
crime  hath  he  committed,  that  he  also  should  be 
involved  in  the  calamitous  consequences  of  this 


376 

unexampled  statute  ?  Buoyed  up  for  a  moment, 
perhaps,  with  a  vain  expectation,  that  he  may 
have  a  remedy  on  his  contract  against  the  mer 
chant  here  ; — how  will  this  supposed  foreigner 
sink  with  a  ten-fold  despondency  ;  how  will  he  rise 
again  with  adequate  indignation,  when  he  discovers 
all  remedy  gone ; — his  contract  declared  by  the 
law,  "  utterly  void,  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
whatsoever  !  )!  Here  again,  love  for  a  parent 
country,  love  for  a  parent  king,  checks  the  current 
of  reason,  and  restrains  the  career  of  passion. 

Having  taken  this  view,  before  we  proceed  fur 
ther,  it  is  natural  once  more  to  ask,  whence  arose 
this  extraordinary  stride  of  legislation  ?  what  is  it, 
that  the  town  of  Boston  hath  done  ?  what  new 
and  unheard  of  crimes  have  the  inhabitants  com 
mitted,  to  justify  the  enacting  of  such  disabilities, 
forfeitures,  pains,  and  penalties?  Punishments  that 
descend  indiscriminately  on  all,  ought  to  have  the 
sanction  of  unerring  wisdom  and  almighty  power, 
or  it  will  be  questioned,  if  not  opposed.  The 
present  vengeance  falls  indiscriminately  on  the 
acknowledged  innocent,  as  well  as  the  supposed 
guilty.  Surely  the  evil  is  of  a  very  malignant 
and  terrible  nature,  that  can  require  such  an  extra 
ordinary  remedy.  Admit  for  a  moment,  that  the 


377 

inhabitants  of  Boston  were  charged  as  high  crim 
inals  ;  the  highest  criminals  are  not  punishable, 
till  arraigned  before  disinterested  judges,  heard  in 
defence,  and  found  guilty  of  the  charge.  But  so 
far  from  all  this,  a  whole  people  are  accused, 
prosecuted  by  they  know  not  whom  ;  tried  they 
know  not  when  ;  proved  guilty  they  know  not 
how  ;  and  sentenced  in  a  mode,  which  for  number 
of  calamities,  extent  and  duration  of  severity,  ex 
ceeds  the  annals  of  past  ages,  and,  we  presume 
in  pity  to  mankind,  will  not  mark  any  future  era 
in  the  story  of  the  world. 

What  will  be  the   real  consequences  of  this  as 
tonishing  measure,  and  what  those   intended    and 
expected  by  the  planners  of   it,  are  very  different 
considerations.     A   Machiavel  may  plan,   and   his 
schemes  prove  abortive  ;  an  Alva  may  be  sent   to 
execute,  and  his  army  be  defeated.     The  circle  of 
the  arts  and  sciences,  like  the  ball  of  empire,  hath 
held  a  western  course.     From  Chaldea  and  Egypt 
to  Greece   and    Rome,   and  thence    to    the  west 
ern    provinces    of  Europe.      Chaldea   and    Egypt 
had    their   magi,   their    law-giver?,    and    heroes, 
when    Greece    and    Rome  swarmed    with    petty 
feudatories   and   barbarians ;    Greece    and    Ro  ne 
flourished    in   literature,   when  Gaul,   Germany, 
48 


378 

and  Britain  were  uncivilized,  rude,  and  igno 
rant.  Wise  and  sagacious  politicians  have  not 
been  able  to  stay  the  rotation  of  this  revolving 
scientific  circle,  any  more  than  mighty  potentates 
to  repel  the  velocity  of  the  filing  ball  of  empire  : 
— superior  to  human  powers,  like  blazing  stars, 
they  hold  their  destined  course,  and  play  their 
coruscations  as  they  run  their  race. 

The  expectations  of  those  who  were  the  fautors 
of  the  present  measures,  must  have  been  to  bring 
down  superlative  distress,  discord,  confusion,  des 
pair,  and  perdition  upon  a  multitude.  How  then 
will  our  amazement  increase,  when  we  shall  hear 
that  the  hard  fate  of  this  multitude  cannot  be 
avoided?  Let  the  inhabitants  corrply  with  the  re 
quisitions  of  the  statute  ;  let  them  be  implicitly 
obedient  to  its  injunctions  ; — what  is  the  evil  they 
will  escape  ?  what  is  the  boon  they  may  hope  to 
attain  ?  Hope  and  fear  are  said  to  be  the  hinges  of 
government.  Legislators  have  therefore  consider 
ed  it  as  sound  policy,  never  to  drive  the  subject 
into  acts  of  despair,  by  causing  punishments  to 
appear  as  inevitable,  on  the  first  promulgation  of  a 
law.  When  a  legislative  body  ordaineth  penal 
ties  to  take  place  in  cases  of  performance  or  non- 
performance  of  particular  matters,  they  surely  will 


379 

take  due  care,  that  sufficient  notice  is  given  of 
their  public  will,  and  sufficient  time  to  comply  with 
their  mandates  ;  so  that  obedience  may  not  only 
proceed  from  principles  of  regard  to  the  law 
makers,  but  motives  of  personal  safety  to  the 
subject  himself.  This  seems  not  more  consonant 
to  political  wisdom,  than  to  nature  and  equity. 
But  let  us  now  suppose,  that  upon  the  first  inti 
mations  of  the  present  law,  Boston  had  been  as 
prone  to  obey  the  edict  of  a  British  court,  as  the 
Turk  to  comply  with  the  mandate  of  the  Divan ; 
let  us  imagine  them  as  servile,  as  fawning  as  a 
court  dependant  to  a  minister  of  state  ; — nay,  if 
there  be  any  thing  in  nature  yet  more  humble 
and  more  base,  let  Boston  (in  idea  for  a  short 
moment)  be  that  humble,  servile,  base,  and  fawning 
something  :  What  doth  it  all  avail  ?  The  first 
time  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  had  any  intima 
tion  of  the  will  of  the  British  Parliament,  was 
on  the  tenth  of  May,  and  the  act  is  to  take  place 
on  the  first  of  June  ;  and  thence  to  continue  in 
full  force,  until  it  shall  sufficiently  "  appear  to  His 
Majesty,  that  full  satisfaction  hath  been  made  by 
or  on  behalf  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town 
of  Boston,  to  the  united  company  of  merchants  of 
England,  trading  to  the  East  Indies,  for  the  damage 


380 

sustained  by  the  said  company  by  the  destruction 
of  their  goods  sent  to  the  said  town  of  Boston, 
on  board  certain  ships  or  vessels  as  aforesaid ; 
and  until  it  shall  be  certified  to  His  Majesty  in 
council  by  the  Governor,  or  Lieutenant  Governor, 
of  the  said  province,  that  reasonable  satisfaction 
hath  been  made  to  the  officers  of  His  Majesty's 
revenue,  and  others  who  suffered  by  the  riots  and 
insurrections  above  mentioned,  in  the  months  of 
November  and  December  in  the  year  1773,  and  in 
the  month  of  January  in  the  year  177 4-." 

Satisfaction  could  not  be  made  to  the  East 
India  company,  if  all  Boston  had  the  will  and 
power  to  do  it,  till  the  town  had  time  and  oppor 
tunity  to  call  a  meeting,  assemble,  consult,  and 
determine  upon  the  measure.  Great  bodies  are 
not  calculated  for  speedy  decision,  any  more  than 
velocity  of  motion.  The  resolution  formed,  time 
must  be  given  for  despatches  to  England,  applica 
tion  to  the  East-India  company,  an  adjustment 
with  them  upon  the  nice  point  of  "  full  satisfac 
tion  :" — that  accomplished,  time  must  be  given 
for  making  the  matter  "  sufficiently  appear  to  His 
Majesty."  Let  any  one  consider  but  for  a  mo 
ment,  what  a  length  of  time  must  inevitably  elapse 
before  all  this  can  be  accomplished  :  nay,  may  it 


381 

not  well  be  questioned,  considering  the  parties  and 
all  persons  concerned  and  the  circumstances  of  this 
affair,   whether  such  accomplishment  be  practica 
ble  ?  But  is  this  all  that  is  to  be  done  and  effect 
ed   before  relief  can    be   given    to    this  distressed 
land  ?      Far    otherwise.        "  The    Governor,    or 
Lieutenant   Governor,  must   also   first  certify  to 
His   Majesty    in   council,    that   reasonable    satis 
faction  hath   been   made   to  the   officers   of  His 
Majesty's  revenue,   and  others,   who  suffered  by 
the    riots    and    insurrections    above    mentioned." 
No   person    is   particularly   designated   to   be    the 
judge    between   the    subject    and    the    officers   of 
His  Majesty's   revenue.     No   provision  being  ex 
pressly  made,    touching  this  point,    how  probable 
that  litigation  might  arise   concerning  it  ?     If  we 
say  that  the  Governor,  or   Lieutenant   Governor, 
is    the   implied  judge  of  this  matter;    how  is  the 
question  to  be  brought  before  him,  how  tried,  and 
how  adjusted  ?    These  also  are  points   not  settled 
in  a  moment.      Long  indeed  would  be  the  period 
before  the  subject  in  Boston  would  be   able  to  as 
certain  and  make   such  satisfaction,   and  as  long 
before  the   person   here   pointed  out   would  make 
his  certificate,  that  it  was  plenary  and  reasonable. 
Governor  Bernard  lately  filled  the  chair  of  govern- 


382 

merit,  while  Mr  Hutchinson  was  second  in  com 
mand.  Governor  Hutchison  now  fills  the  chair, 
arid  the  office  of  Lieutenant  Governor  is  vacant. 
How  long  would  it  be  before  the  inhabitants  of 
Boston  would  acquiesce  in  the  decision  of  either 
of  these  gentlemen  ?  How  little  probability  is  there, 
considering  the  sentiments,  the  past  and  present 
conduct  of  these  gentlemen,  that  they  would 
speedily  give  the  required  certificate?  If  it  hath 
been  found  difficult  to  touch  the  tender  feelings  of 
the  American  and  native,  how  long  would  it  take 
to  excite  generous  sentiments  in  the  Briton  and 
stranger  ? 

But  these  are  all  preparatories  to  the  obtaining 
any  ease  or  relief  from  the  pressure  of  this  penal 
law.  The  prerequisites  to  the  restoration  of  pub 
lic  felicity  are  here  not  only  improbable,  but  when 
considered  all  together  and  in  the  present  crisis  of 
public  affairs,  are  they  not  impracticable  ?  But, 
yet  worse,  being  accomplished,  it  could  in  no  way 
prevent  the  misery  and  calamities  of  this  British 
edict.  The  space  given  for  the  subject  to  stay 
this  torrent  of  evils  is  so  short,  that  it  is  impos 
sible  for  him,  exerting  his  utmost  energies,  to 
prevent  being  overwhelmed.  (But  what  mortals 
are  unable  to  prevent — Heaven  may  stay  or 
divert.) 


383 

An  avenue  seems  to  be  opened  by  the  benignity 
of  our  British  fathers  ;  but  when  attempted,  affords 
no  way  of  escape.  My  veneration  for  Britain  is 
so  great,  that  I  will  not  suppose  the  great  council 
of  the  nation  intended  to  flatter  with  a  false  hope, 
that  cruel  disappointment  might  heighten  the 
poignancy  of  suffering — the  anguish  of  despair. 
But  surely  the  fathers  of  a  people  will  consider, 
what  are  like  to  be  the  sentiments  and  conduct  of 
men  driven  to  distraction  by  a  multitude  of  in 
evitable  evils,  and  consigned  to  despair  from  the 
terms  of  their  deliverance  ? 

Wonder  was  excited  on  the  first  view  of  the 
present  law ;  our  astonishment  hath  been  increas 
ing  in  the  progress  of  our  survey.  A  period  is 
not  yet  put  to  our  admiration.  The  faculties  of 
sensation  are  yet  to  be  further  stretched. 

The  civilian  and  statesman,  the  moralist  and 
sage,  had  heretofore  delivered  those  maxims  of 
truth  and  those  rules  of  government,  which  wise 
legislators  have  ever  observed,  and  the  bulk  of 
mankind  yet  honour  and  revere.  To  know  the  laws 
of  the  land  already  in  force,  previous  to  the  publica 
tion  of  a  new  code,  or  in  the  technical  phraseology 
of  a  common  lawyer,  "  to  know  how  the  law  stood 
before  we  make  a  new  statute,"  hath  been  consid- 


384 

ered  as  an  indispensable  accomplishment  of  a  good 
legislator.  But  that  illustrious  Parliament,  whose 
power  is  distinguished  with  the  appellation  of 
"  omnipotent,"  seem  not  to  have  exercised  this 
important  knowledge  ; — though  we  do  not  hence 
rashly  infer,  that  they  are  destitute  of  information, 
because  all  who  are  vested  with  omnipotence  of 
power  are  ever  inspired  with  proportionate  wis 
dom. 

It  must  again  be  noticed,  that  no  relief  is  to  be 
had,  "  until  full  satisfaction  hath  been  made  by  or 
on  behalf  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town  of 
Boston."  Now  to  suppose  that  any  in  England 
or  Europe  would  make  satisfaction  "  on  behalf" 
of  said  inhabitants  was  unnatural,  if  not  absurd  ; 
but  what  is  more  to  the  point,  it  was  certainly  un 
parliamentary.  The  remaining  alternative  is, — 
that  satisfaction  must  be  made  by  Boston. 

Every  person  knows,  that  towns  in  this  Pro 
vince  cannot  raise  or  appropriate  any  monies,  but 
by  the  express  provisions  and  direct  authority  of 
law.  It  is  a  matter  of  equal  notoriety,  that  all 
town  assessments  of  money  are  expressly  confined, 
by  the  4  Wm.  &  Mar.  c.  13,  to  the  "  maintenance 
and  support  of  the  ministry,  schools,  the  poor,  and 
defraying  of  other  necessary  town  charges  :"  a 


385 

law  which  received  the  royal  approbation,  almost 
a  century  ago. 

Will  any  now  say,  that  the    monies   appointed 
to  be  paid  to  the  East  India  house  come  within  the 
words  of  "  necessary  town  charges  ?  "     When  did 
the  town  contract  the  debt,  or  how  are  they  subject 
to  the  payment  of  it  ?     Had  the  parliament  seen 
fit   to  enact,  that  monies  requisite   to  satisfy    the 
India   merchants,  should    be   so  considered  ;   two 
questions  (not  of  quick  decision)  might  then  have 
arisen  ; — the  one  touching  the  validity  and  obliga 
tory  force  of  the    statute  ;  the  other,    whether  it 
would  then  come  within  the  intent  and   design  of 
the  Province  law.     For,  past  doubt,  our  Provin 
cial  legislators  had  no  such  charge  (as  the  one  here 
supposed)  in  view,  when  they  made  the   law  of 
William  and  Mary  ;   and  in  this  way  therefore  the 
matter  could  not  be  brought  within  its   provision. 
Parliament  must  then  make  a  new  act   to   enable 
and  empower  Boston    to   pay  the  India  company, 
before  the  town  can   comply   with   the  terms  of 
relief  of  their  trade.     In  the  mean  while,  what  is 
to  be  the   situation  of  Boston  and  the  inhabitants 
of  the  globe  with  whom  they  have  such  extensive 
connexions?     But  it  is   very  apparent,   that  the 
Parliament  have  not  as  yet  enacted  the  payment 
49 


386 

of  this  satisfaction  as  a  town  charge.  They  have 
only  placed  it  in  the  option  of  the  town  to  make 
that  payment,  or  submit  to  the  consequences. 
That  payment,  we  affirm,  they  cannot  make 
without  a  breach  of  the  law  of  the  land.  New  and 
unheard-of,  therefore,  is  the  state  of  this  people. 
They  must  sustain  the  severest  afflictions,  they  must 
stand  the  issue  of  distracting  remedies,  or  violate 
one  of  the  most  known  and  practised  laws  of  the 
land  !  Let  us  search  the  history  of  the  world ; 
let  us  inspect  the  records  of  a  Spanish  inquisition; 
let  us  enter  the  recesses  of  an  Ottoman  court; 
nay,  let  us  traverse  the  regions  of  romance  and 
fable  ; — where  shall  we  find  a  parallel  ? 

"  When  the  Hungarians  were  called  rebels  first, 
they  were  called  so  for  no  other  reason  than  this," 
says  the  elegant  Lord  Bolin^broke,  "  that  they 
would  not  be  slaves."  But  for  Britons,  when 
they  would  not  venture  to  call  their  children 
rebels,  that  they  should  treat  them  as  worse  than 
rebels,  was  reserved  to  distinguish  an  age  of  vaunt 
ed  light,  human;ty,  and  knowledge,— the  era  of  a 
King,  who  prides  himself  as  born  and  bred  a 
Briton! 

To  complain  of  the  enormities  of  power,  to  ex 
postulate  with  over-grown  oppressors,  hath  in  all 


387 

ages  been  denominated  sedition  and  faction  ;  and 
to  turn  upon  tyrants,  treason  and  rebellion.  But 
tyrants  are  rebels  against  the  first  laws  of  Heaven 
and  Society  :  to  oppose  their  ravages  is  an  instinct 
of  nature — the  inspiration  of  God  in  the  heart 
of  m;m.  In  the  noble  resistance  which  mankind 
make  to  exorbitant  ambition  and  power,  they 
always  feel  that  divine  afflatus,  which,  paramount 
to  every  thing  human,  causes  them  to  consider  the 
Lord  of  Hosts  as  their  leader,  and  his  angels  as 
fellow-soldiers.  Trumpets  are  to  them  joyful 
sounds,  and  the  ensigns  of  war,  the  banners  of 
God.  Their  wounds  are  bound  up  in  the  oil  of 
a  good  cause  ;  sudden  death  is  to  them  present 
martyrdom,  and  funeral  obsequies  resurrections 
to  eternal  honour  and  glory, — their  widows  and 
babes,  being  received  into  the  arms  of  a  compas 
sionate  God,  and  their  names  enrolled  among 
David's  worthies  : — greatest  losses  are  to  them 
greatest  gains  ;  for  they  leave  the  troubles  of  their 
warfare  to  lie  down  on  beds  of  eternal  rest  and 
felicity. 

There  are  other  parts  of  the  act  now  before  us, 
which  merit  notice  ;  particularly  that  relative  to 
the  prosecution  of  suits  in  the  ordinary  courts  of 
law,  "  for  any  thing  done  in  pursuance  of  the  act ;" 


388 

by  which  the  defendant  is  enabled  "  to  plead  the 
general  issue,  and  give  the  act,  and  the  general 
matter,  in  evidence  ;"  whereupon  it  follows,  that 
"  if  it  shall  appear  so  to  have  been  done,  the  jury 
shall  find  for  the  defendant;"  who,  by  an  after 
clause,  is  to  "  recover  treble  costs."  From  this 
passage  some  have  been  led  to  conclude,  that  the 
appearance  of  this  matter  was  to  be  to  the  judge  ; 
and  that  if  it  had  that  appearance  to  him,  and  he 
should  direct  the  jury  accordingly,  however  it 
might  appear  to  the  jury,  they  must  follow  the 
directions  of  the  judge,  and  acquit  the  defendant. 
But  this  is  a  construction,  which,  as  the  words  do 
not  necessarily  carry  that  meaning,  I  will  not  per 
mit  myself  to  suppose  the  design  of  the  law. 
However  the  late  donations  of  large  salaries  by 
the  crown,  to  the  justices  of  our  Superior  Courts, 
who  are  nominated  by  the  Governor,  and  hold 
their  commission  durante  beneplacito,  have  not  a 
little  contributed  to  the  preceding  apprehension. 
Another  passage  makes  provision  for  u  assigning 
and  appointing  such  and  so  many  open  places, 
quays,  and  wharfs,  within  the  said  harbour,  creeks, 
havens,  and  islands,  for  the  landing,  discharging, 
lading,  and  shipping  of  goods,  as  his  Majesty,  his 
heirs,  or  successors,  shall  judge  necessary  and 


389 

expedient ;"  and  also  for  "  appointing  such  and 
so  many  officers  of  the  customs  therein,  as  his 
Majesty  shall  think  fit ;  after  which  it  shall  be 
lawful  for  any  person  or  persons  to  lade  or  put 
off  from,  or  to  discharge  and  land  upon,  such 
wharfs,  quays,  and  places,  so  appointed  within 
the  said  harbour,  and  none  other,  any  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise  whatsoever."  By  which 
the  property  of  many  private  individuals  is  to  be 
rendered  useless,  and  worse  than  useless  ;  as  the 
possession  of  a  thing  aggravates  the  misfortune  of 
those  who  are  deprived  of  a  capacity  to  enjoy. 
But  if  the  property  of  some  few  is  to  be  rendered 
nothing  worth,  so  that  of  many  others  is  to  be 
openly  invaded.  But  why  should  we  dwell  up 
on  private  wrongs,  while  those  of  the  multitude 
call  for  all  our  attention  ? 

If  any  should  now  say,  we  are  a  commercial 
people,  commercial  plans  can  only  save  us  ;  if  any 
think  that  the  ideas  of  the  merchant  are  at  this 
day  to  give  spring  to  our  nerves  and  vigour  to 
our  actions  ;  if  any  say,  that  empire  in  this  age  of 
the  world,  is  only  founded  in  commerce: — let  him 
show  me  the  people  emancipated  from  oppression 
by  commercial  principles  and  measures  :  let  him 
point  me  that  unexplored  land,  where  trade  and 


390 

slavery  flourish  together.  Till  then,  I  must  hold 
a  different  creed  ;  and  believe — that  though  com 
mercial  views  may  not  be  altogether  unprofitable, 
that  though  commercial  plans  may  do  much,  they 
never  can  do  all.  With  regard,  then,  to  how  much 
the  merchant,  the  artificer,  the  citizen,  and  the 
husbandman  may  do,  let  us  no  longer  differ.  But 
let  every  one  apply  his  strength  and  abilities  to 
that  mighty  burden,  which,  unless  removed,  must 
crush  us  all.  Americans  have  one  common  in 
terest  to  unite  them  ;  that  interest  must  cement 
them.  Natural  allies,  they  have  published  to  the 
world  professions  of  reciprocal  esteem  and  confi 
dence,  aid  and  assistance  ;  they  have  pledged 
their  faith  of  mutual  friendship  and  alliance. 
Not  only  common  danger,  bondage,  and  dis 
grace  ;  but  national  truth  and  honour  conspire  to 
make  the  colonists  resolve  to — stand  or  fall  to 
gether. 

Americans  never  were  destitute  of  discernment ; 
they  have  never  been  grossly  deficient  in  virtue. 
A  small  share  of  sagacity  is  now  needful  to  dis 
cover  the  insidious  art  of  our  enemies  ;  the  small 
est  spark  of  virtue  will  on  this  occasion  kindle  in 
to  flame. 


391 

Will  the  little  temporary  advantage  held  forth 
for  delusion,  seduce  them  from  their  duty  ?  Will 
they  not  evidence  at  this  time,  how  much  they 
despise  the  commercial  bribe  of  a  British  ministry  ; 
and  testify  to  the  world  that  they  do  not  vail  to 
the  most  glorious  of  the  ancients,  in  love  of  freedom 
and  sternness  of  virtue  ?  But  as  to  the  inhabitants 
of  this  province,  how  great  are  the  number,  how 
weighty  the  considerations  to  actuate  their  con 
duct  ?  Not  a  town  in  this  colony,  but  have  breath 
ed  the  warmest  declarations  of  attachment  to  their 
rights,  union  in  their  defence,  and  perseverance  to 
the  end.  Should  any  one  maritime  town  (for 
more  than  one  I  will  not  believe  there  can  be), 
allured  by  the  expectations  of  gain,  refuse  to  lend 
their  aid  ;  entertaining  the  base  idea  of  build 
ing  themselves  upon  the  ruins  of  this  metropolis, 
and,  in  the  chain  of  future  events,  on  the  destruc 
tion  of  all  America  ; — wh  it  shall  we  say  ? — hours 
of  bitter  reflection  will  come,  when  their  own 
feelings  shall  excite  consideration ;  when  remem 
brance  of  the  past,  and  expectation  of  the  future, 
shall  fill  up  the  measure  of  their  sorrow  and  an 
guish.  But  I  turn  from  the  idea,  which  blasts  my 
country  with  infamy — my  species  with  disgrace. 

The  intelligent  reader  must  have   noticed,  that 


392 

through  the  whole  of  the  act  of  Parliament,  there 
is  no  suggestion  that  the  East  India  company  had 
made  any  demand  for  damage  done  to  their  prop 
erty  : — if  the  company  supposed  they  had  receiv 
ed  injury,  it  doth  not  appear  whom  they  consider 
as  guilty,  and  much  less,  that  they  had  alleged 
any  charge  against  the  town  of  Boston.  But  I 
presume  that  if  that  company  were  intitlcd  to 
receive  a  recompense  from  the  town,  until  they 
prosecuted  their  demand  they  are  supposed  to  waive 
it.  And  we  cannot  but  imagine,  that  this  is  the 
first  instance,  where  Parliament  hath  ordered  one 
subject  to  pay  a  satisfaction  to  another,  when  the 
party  aggrieved  did  not  appear  to  make  his  regular 
claim  ;  and  much  more  uncommon  is  it,  for  such 
recompense  to  be  ordered  without  ascertaining  the 
amount  to  which  the  satisfaction  shall  extend. 

But  if  the  East  India  company  were  now  made 
easy,  and  Boston  reduced  lo  perfect  silence  and 
humiliation  ;  how  many  "  others"  are  there,  who 
would  suggest,  that  they  "  suffered  by  the  riots 
and  insurrections  abovementioned,"  and  demand 
"  reasonable  satisfaction  "  therefor.  The  singular 
texture,  uncertainty,  looseness,  and  ambiguity  of  this 
phrase  in  the  statute  seems  so  calculated  for  dis 
pute,  such  an  eternal  bar  to  a  full  compliance  with 


393 

the  requisitions  of  the  act,  and  of  course  to  render 
permanent  its  evils,  that  I  cannot  speak  upon  the 
subject  without  trespassing  upon  those  bounds  of 
respect  and  decency,  within  the  circle  of  which 
I  have  endeavoured  to  move. 

Here,  waiving  further  particular  consideration  of 
that  subject  which  gave  origin  to  this  performance, 
I  shall  proceed  to  an  equally  interesting  subject — 
that  of  standing  armies  and  civil  society. 


THE  faculty  of  intelligence  may  be  considered  as 
the  first  gift  of  God  ;  its  due  exercise  is  the  hap 
piness  and  honour  of  man  ;  its  abuse,  his  calami 
ty  and  disgrace.  The  most  trifling  duty  is  not 
properly  discharged  without  the  exertion  of  this 
noble  faculty  ;  yet  how  often  does  it  lie  dormant, 
while  the  highest  concernments  are  in  issue  ?  Be 
lieve  me,  my  countrymen,  the  labor  of  examin 
ing  for  ourselves,  or  great  imposition,  must  be  sub 
mitted  to  ;  there  is  no  other  alternative  :  and  unless 
we  weigh  and  consider  what  we  examine,  little 
benefit  will  result  from  research.  We  are  at  this 
extraordinary  crisis  called  to  view  the  most  melan 
choly  events  of  our  day  :  the  scene  is  unpleasant 
to  the  eye,  but  its  contemplation  will  be  useful, 
50 


394 

if  our  thoughts  terminate  with  judgment,  resolution, 
arid  spirit. 

If  at  this  period  of  public  affairs,  we  do  not 
think,  deliberate,  and  determine  like  men — men  of 
minds  to  conceive,  hearts  to  feel,  and  virtue  to 
act, — what  are  we  to  do  ? — to  gaze  upon  our  bond 
age  ?  while  our  enemies  throw7  about  firebrands, 
arrows,  and  death,  and  play  their  tricks  of  desper 
ation  with  the  gambols  of  sport  and  wantonness. 

The  proper  object  of  society  and  civil  institu 
tions  is  the  advancement  of  "  the  greatest  happiness 
of  the  greatest  number."  The  people  (as  a  body, 
being  never  interested  to  injure  themselves  and 
uniformly  desirous  of  the  general  welfare)  have  ever 
made  this  collective  felicity  the  object  of  their  wish 
es  and  pursuit.  But  strange,  as  it  may  seem,  what 
the  many  through  successive  ages  have  desired  and 
sought,  the  few  have  found  means  to  baffle  and 
defeat.  The  necessity  of  the  acquisition  hath  been 
conspicuous  to  the  rudest  mind  ;  but  man,  incon 
siderate  that,  "  in  every  society,  there  is  an  effort 
constantly  tending  to  confer  on  one  part  the  height 
of  power,  and  to  reduce  the  other  to  the  extreme  of 
weakness  and  misery,"*  hath  abandoned  the  most 

*  Marquis  Beccaria. 


395 

important  concerns  of  civil  society  to  the  caprice 
and  control  of  those,  whose  elevation  caused  them 
to  forget  their  pristine  equality,  and  whose  inter 
est  urged  them  to  degrade  the  best  and  most  useful 
below  the  worst  and  most  unprofitable  of  the  spe 
cies.*  Against  this  exertion,  and  the  principle 
which  originates  it,  no  vigilance  can  be  too  sharp, 
no  determination  too  severe. 

But  alas  !  as  if  born  to  delude  and  be  deluded— 
to  believe  whatever  is  taught,  and  bear  all  that 
is  imposed — successive  impositions,  wrongs,  and 
insults  awaken  neither  the  sense  of  injury  nor  spirit 
of  revenge.  Fascinations  and  enchantments,  chain 
and  fetters,  bind  in  adamant  the  understanding  and 
passions  of  the  human  race.  Ages  follow  ages, 
pointing  the  way  to  study  wisdom, — but  the  charm 
continues. 

Sanctified  by  authority  and  armed  with  power, 
error  and  usurpation  bid  defiance  to  truth  and 

*  "  The  modes  of  government  which  have  been  imposed  on 
credulous  man,  have  been  not  only  deficient  in  producing  the 
just  ends  of  government,  viz.  the  full  and  impartial  security 
of  the  rights  of  nature  ;  but  also,  have  been  rather  formida 
ble  and  dangerous  cabals  against  the  peace,  happiness,  and 
dignity  of  society."  Macaulay's  Observations  on  Burke's 
Thoughts,  &c.  Edit.  5.  p.  10. 


396 

right,  while  the  bulk  of  mankind  sit  gazing  at  the 
monster  of  their  own  creation  : — a  monster,*  to 
which  their  follies  and  vices  gave  origin,  and  their 
depravity  and  cowardice  continue  in  existence. 

"  The  greatest  happiness  of  the  greastest  num 
ber"  being  the  object  and  bond  of  society,  the 
establishment  of  truth  and  justice  ought  to  be  the 
basis  of  civil  policy  and  jurisprudence.  But  this 
capital  establishment  can  never  be  attained  in  a 
state  where  there  exists  a  power  superior  to  the  civil 
magistrate  and  sufficient  to  control  the  authority  of 
the  laws.  Whenever  therefore  the  profession  of 
arms  becomes  a  distinct  order  in  the  state,  and  a 
standing  army  part  of  the  constitution,  we  are  not 
scrupulous  to  affirm,  that  the  end  of  the  social 
compact  is  defeated,  and  the  nation  called  to  act 
upon  the  grand  question  consequent  upon  such  an 
event. 

The  people  wrho  compose  the  society  (for  whose 
security  the  labour  of  its  institution  was  perform 
ed,  and  of  the  toils  its  preservation  daily  sustained), 

*  "  This  (standing  army)  is  a  monster,  that  will  devour  all 
your  liberties  and  properties — there  is  a  time  for  all  men  to 
speak,  and  now,  when  our  liberties  are  at  stake,  duty  to  God, 
our  prince,  and  country  forbid  to  be  silent."  Sir  John  Hotham's 
speech  in  Parliament  1673.  Grey's  Debates,  vol.  ii.  p.  391. 


397 

the  people,  I  say,  are  the  only  competent  judges 
of  their  own  welfare,  and,  therefore,  are  the  only 
suitable  authority  to  determine  touching  the  great 
end  of  their  subjection  and  their  sacrifices.  This 
position  leads  us  to  two  others,  not  impertinent 
on  this  occasion,  because  of  much  importance  to 
Americans  : — 

That  the  legislative  body  of  the  commonwealth 
ought  to  deliberate,  determine,  and  make  their  de 
crees  in  places  where  the  legislators  may  easily 
know  from  their  own  observation  the  wants  and 
exigencies,  the  sentiments  and  will,  the  good  and 
happiness  of  the  people ;  and  the  people  as  easily 
know  the  deliberations,  motives,  designs,  and  con 
duct  of  their  legislators,  before  their  statutes  and 
ordinances  actually  go  forth  and  take  effect : — 

That  every  member  of  the  legislature  ought 
himself  to  be  so  far  subject  in  his  person  and  prop 
erty  to  the  laws  of  the  state,  as  to  immediately 
and  effectually  feel  every  mischief  and  inconven 
ience  resulting  from  all  and  every  act  of  legisla 
tion. 

The  science  of  man  and  society,  being  the  most 
extended  in  its  nature,  and  the  most  important 
in  its  consequences,  of  any  in  the  circle  of  erudi 
tion,  ought  to  be  an  object  of  universal  attention 


398 

and  study.  Was  it  made  so,  the  rights  of  mankind 
would  not  remain  buried  for  ages  under  systems 
of  civil  and  priestly  hierarchy,  nor  social  felicity 
overwhelmed  by  lawless  domination. 

Under  appearances  the  most  venerable  and  in 
stitutions  the  most  revered  ;  under  the  sanctity  of 
religion,  the  dignity  of  government,  and  the  smiles 
of  beneficence,  do  the  subtle  and  ambitious  make 
their  first  encroachments  upon  their  species. 
Watch  and  oppose  ought  therefore  to  be  the  motto 
of  mankind.  A  nation  in  its  best  estate — guarded 
by  good  laws,  fraught  with  public  virtue,  and  steel 
ed  with  martial  courage — may  resemble  Achilles  : 
but  Achilles  was  wounded  in  the  heel.  The  least 
point  left  unguarded  the  foe  enters  : — latent  evils 
are  the  most  dangerous — for  we  often  receive  the 
mortal  wound,  while  we  are  flattered  with  security. 

The  experience  of  all  ages  shows  that  mankind 
are  inattentive  to  the  calamities  of  others,  careless 
of  admonition,  and  with  difficulty  roused  to  repel 
the  most  injurious  invasions.  "  I  perceive,"  said 
the  great  patriot  Cicero  to  his  countrymen,  "  an 
inclination  for  tyranny  in  all  Caesar  projects  and 
executes."*  Notwithstanding  this  friendly  cau- 

*  Pint.  Life  of  Ccesar. 


399 

tion,  not  "  till  it  was  too  late  did  the  people 
find  out,  that  no  beginnings,  however  small,  are 
to  be  neglected.57*  For  that  Caesar,  who  at  first 
attacked  the  commonwealth  with  mines,  very  soon 
opened  his  batteries. f  Encroachments  upon  the 
rights  and  property  of  the  citizen  are  like  the  roll 
ings  of  mighty  waters  over  the  breach  of  ancient 
mounds ;  slow  and  unalarming  at  the  beginning ; 
rapid  and  terrible  in  the  current  ;  a  deluge  and  de 
vastation  at  the  end.  Behold  the  oak,  which 
stretcheth  itself  to  the  mountains,  and  overshadows 
the  vallies,  was  once  an  acorn  in  the  bowels  of  the 
earth.  Slavery,  my  friends,  which  was  yesterday 
ingrafted  among  you,  already  overspreads  the  land, 
extending  its  arms  to  the  ocean,  and  its  limbs  to 
the  rivers.  Unclean  and  voracious  animals,  under 
its  covert,  find  protection  and  food  ; — but  the 
shade  blasteth  the  green  herb,  and  the  root  there 
of  poisoneth  the  dry  ground,  while  the  winds 
which  wave  its  branches  scatter  pestilence  and 
death. 

Regular  government  is  necessary  to  the  preserv 
ation  of  private  property,  and  personal  security. 
Without  these,  men  will  descend  into  barbarism,  or 

*  Plut.  Life  of  Ca?sar.  f  Ib. 


400 

at  best  become  adepts  in  humiliation  and  servility  ; 
but  they  will  never  make  a  progress  in  litera 
ture  or  the  useful  arts.  Surely  a  proficiency  in 
arts  and  sciences  is  of  some  value  to  mankind,  and 
deserves  some  consideration.  What  regular  gov 
ernment  can  America  enjoy  with  a  legislative  a 
thousand  leagues  distant,  unacquainted  with  her 
exigencies,  militant  in  interest,  and  unfeeling  of 
her  calamities  ?  What  protection  of  property — 
when  ministers  under  this  authority  shall  overrun 
the  land  with  mercenary  legions  ?  What  personal 
safety,  when  a  British  administration — (such  as 
it  now  is,  and  corrupt  as  it  may  be) — pour  arm 
ies  into  the  capital  and  senate-house,  point  their 
artillery  against  the  tribunal  of  justice,  and  plant 
weapons  of  death  at  the  posts  of  our  doors  ?* 

Thus  exposed  to  the  power,  and  insulted  by  the 
arms  of  Britain — standing  armies  become  an  ob 
ject  of  serious  attention.  And  as  the  history  of 
mankind  affords  no  instance  of  successful  and  con 
firmed  tyranny,  without  the  aid  of  military  forces, 
we  shall  not  wonder  to  find  them  the  desiderata 
of  princes,  and  the  grand  object  of  modern  policy. 
What  though  they  subdue  every  generous  passion, 

*  All  this,  and  much  more,  hath  Boston  been  witness  to. 


401 

and  extinguish  every  spark  of  virtue — all  this  must 
be  done,  before  empires  will  submit  to  be  exhaust 
ed  by  tribute  and  plundered  with  impunity. 

Amidst  all  the  devices  of  man  to  the  prejudice 
of  his  species,  the  institution  of  which  we  treat 
hath  proved  the  most  extensively  fatal  to  religion, 
morals,  and  social  happiness.  Founded  in  the  most 
malevolent  dispositions  of  the  human  breast,  dis 
guised  by  the  policy  of  state,  supported  by  the 
lusts  of  ambition,  the  swrord  hath  spread  havock 
and  misery  throughout  the  world.  By  the  aid 
of  mercenary  troops,  the  sinews  of  war,  the  prop 
erty  of  the  subject,  the  life  of  the  commonwealth 
have  been  committed  to  the  hands  of  hirelings, 
whose  interest  and  very  existence  depend  on  an 
abuse  of  their  power.  In  the  lower  class  of  life, 
standing  armies  have  introduced  brutal  debauch 
ery  and  real  cowardice  ;  in  the  higher  orders  of 
state,  venal  haughtiness  and  extravagant  dissipa 
tion.  In  short,  whatever  are  the  concomitants 
of  despotism,  whatever  the  appendages  of  oppres 
sion,  this  armed  monster  hath  spawned  or  nurtur 
ed,  protected  or  established ; — monuments  and 
scourges  of  the  folly  and  turpitude  of  man. 

Review  the  armament  of  modern  princes  : — 
what  sentiments  actuate  the  military  body  ?  what 
51 


402 

characters  compose  it  ?  Is  there  a  private  sentinel 
of  all  the  innumerable  troops  that  make  so  bril 
liant  a  figure,  who  would  not  for  want  of  property 
have  been  driven  from  a  Roman  cohort,  when 
soldiers  were  the  defenders  of  liberty  ?  * 

Booty,  and  blind  submission,  is  the  science  of 
the  camp.  When  lust,  rapacity,  or  resentment, 
incites,  whole  battalions  proceed  to  outrage.  Do 
their  leaders  command — obedience  must  follow. 
"  Private  soldiers,"  said  Tiberius  Gracchus  from 
the  Roman  rostrum,  "  fight  and  die  to  advance 
the  wealth  and  luxury  of  the  great."  t  u  Sol 
diers,"  said  an  eminent  Puritan,  in  his  sermon, 
preached  in  this  country  more  than  a  hundred  and 
thirty  years  ago,  "  are  commonly  men  who  fight 
themselves  fearlessly  into  the  mouth  of  hell  for 
revenge,  a  booty,  or  a  little  revenue  : — a  day  of 
battle  is  a  day  of  harvest  for  the  devil."  Soldiers, 
like  men,  are  much  the  same  in  every  age  and 
country. 

"  Heroes  are  much  the  same,  the  point 's  agreed, 
From  Macedonia's  madman  to  the  Swede." 

What  will  they  not  fight  for, — whom  will  they 
not  fight  against  ?  Are  these  men,  who  take  up 

*  See  Rousseau's  Social  Comp.  202. 
t  Plut.  Life  of  Tib.  Grac. 


403 

arms  with  a  view  to  defend  their  country  and  its 
laws  ?  Do  the  ideas  or  the  feelings  of  the  citi 
zen  actuate  a  British  private  on  entering  the 
camp  ?  *  Excitements,  generous  and  noble  like 
these,  are  far  from  being  the  stimuli  of  a  modern 
phalanx.  The  general  of  an  army,  habituated  to 
uncontrolled  command,  feels  himself  absolute  ;  he 
forgets  his  superiors, f  or  rather  despises  that  civil 
authority,  which  is  destitute  of  an  energy  to 
compel  his  obedience.  His  soldiers  (who  look  up 
to  him  as  their  sovereign,  and  to  their  officers  as 
magistrates)  lose  the  sentiments  of  the  citizen, 
and  contemn  the  laws.  Thus  a  will  and  a  power 
to  tyrannize,  become  united  ;  and  the  effects  are 
as  inevitable  and  fatal  in  the  political,  as  the 
moral  world. 

The  soldiers  of  Great  Britain  are  by  the  muti 
ny  act  deprived  of  those  legal  rights  which  belong 
to  the  meanest  of  their  fellow-subjects,  and  even 
to  the  vilest  malefactor.!  Thus  divested  of  those 

*  See  1  Black.  Com.  p.  307. 

t "  It  is  grown  a  principle  among  the  army  (an  ill  nursery 
for  young  men),  that  Parliaments  are  roots  of  rebellion." 
Sir  John  Hotham  in  the  House  of  Commons,  1673.  Grey's 
Debates  in  Parliament,  Vol.  ii.  p.  203. 

f  Lds.  Prot.  Vol.  i.  p.  280.     Anno  1717. 


404 

rights  and  privileges  which  render  Britons  the 
envy  of  all  other  nations,  and  liable  to  such  hard 
ships  and  punishments  as  the  limits  and  mercy 
of  our  known  laws  utterly  disallow  ;  it  may  well 
be  thought  they  are  persons  best  prepared  arid 
most  easily  tempted  to  strip  others  of  their  rights, 
having  already  lost  their  own.*  Excluded,  there 
fore,  from  the  enjoyments  which  others  possess, 
they  envy  and  hate  the  rest  of  the  community, 
and  indulge  a  malignant  pleasure  in  destroying 
those  privileges  to  which  they  can  never  be  admit 
ted,  f  How  eminently  does  modern  observation 
verify  that  sentiment  of  Baron  Montesquieu,  "  A 
slave  living  among  freemen  will  soon  become  a 
beast. { 

A  very  small  knowledge  of  the  human  breast, 
and  a  little  consideration  of  the  ends  for  which 
we  form  into  societies  and  commonwealths,  dis 
cover  the  impropriety  and  danger  of  admitting 
such  an  order  of  men  to  obtain  an  establishment 
in  the  state  ;  the  annals  and  experience  of  every 
age  show,  that  it  is  not  only  absurdity  and  folly, 
but  distraction  and  madness.  But  w7e  in  this 

*Sce  Lds.  Prot.  Vol.  i.  p.  283.  Anno  1717. 
tMontesq.  Sp.  Laws,  15,  12  ;   and  I  Black.  Com.  41 6. 
|  See  Sp.  Laws,  348.  2  Edit. 


405 

region  of  the  earth  have  not  only  to  dread  and 
struggle  with  the  natural  and  common  calamities 
resulting  from  such  military  bodies,  but  the 
combined  dangers  arising  from  an  army  of  for 
eigners,  stationed  in  the  very  bowels  of  the  land. 
Infatuated  Britons  have  been  told,  and  as  often 
deceived,  that  an  army  of  natives  would  never 
oppress  their  own  countrymen.  But  Caesar  and 
Cromwell,  and  an  hundred  others,  have  enslaved 
their  country  with  such  kind  of  forces.  And 
who  does  not  know  that  subalterns  are  implicitly 
obedient  to  their  officers  ;  who,  when  they  be 
come  obnoxious  are  easily  changed  ;  as  armies,  to 
serve  the  purposes  of  ambition  and  power,  are 
soon  new  modelled.  But  as  to  America,  the  ar 
mies  which  infest  her  shores,  are  in  every  view  for 
eigners,  disconnected  with  her  in  interest,  kindred, 
and  other  social  alliances  ;  who  have  nothing  to 
lose,  but  every  thing  to  gain,  by  butchering  and 
oppressing  her  inhabitants.  But  yet  worse  ; — 
their  inroads  are  to  be  palliated,  their  outrages 
are  to  receive  a  sanction  and  defence  from  a 
Parliament  whose  claims  and  decrees  are  as  un 
righteous,  as  the  administration  is  corrupt  ;  as 
boundless  as  their  ambition,  and  as  terrible  as 
their  power.  The  usurpation  and  tyranny  of  the 


406 

Decemviri  of  Rome  are  represented  as  singularly 
odious  and  oppressive  ;  but  even  they  never  as 
sumed  what  Britain,  in  the  face  of  all  mankind, 
hath  avowed  and  exercised  over  the  colonies  ; — 
the  power  of  passing  laws  merely  on  her  own 
authority.  "  Nothing  that  we  propose,"  said 
they  to  the  people,  "  can  pass  into  a  law  without 
your  consent.  Be  yourselves,  ye  Romans,  the 
authors  of  those  laws  on  which  your  happiness 
depends." 

"  The  dominion  of  all  great  empires  degrades 
and  debases  the  human  species."  The  dominion 
of  Britain  is  that  of  a  mighty  empire.  Her  laws 
waste  our  substance,  her  placemen  corrupt  our 
morals,  and  her  armies  are  to  break  our  spirits. 
Yes,  are  they  not  to  do  more  ?  "  To  spoil,  to 
slaughter,  and  to  commit  every  kind  of  violence ; 
and  then  to  call  the  manoeuvre  by  a  lying  name, 
— government  ;  and  when  they  have  spread  a 
general  devastation,  call  it  peace. "t  In  the  bar 
barous  massacres  of  France,  in  the  16th  century, 
the  very  hangmen  refused  obedience  to  the  cruet 

*  See  Dr  Robertson's  Hist.  Charles  V.  vol.  i.  p.  3. 

t  Part  of  a  noble  speech  recorded  by  Tacitus  (Vita  Agric.), 
of  an  old  Britain  to  his  followers,  exciting  them  to  free  their 
country,  then  a  province  of  Rome,  from  the  yoke  of  bondage. 


407 

mandates  of  the  French  monarch,  saying,  they 
were  legal  officers,  and  only  executed  those  the 
laws  condemned.  Yet  history  bears  testimony 
that  the  soldiers  performed  the  office  which  the 
hangman  refused.*  Who  then  can  be  at  a  loss 
for  the  views  of  those  who  were  so  fond  of  intro 
ducing  and  tenacious  of  obtaining  similar  peace- 
officers  in  this  obnoxious  capital  ?f  But  let  all 
such, — yes,  let  Great  Britain  consider  the  nature 
of  mankind  ;  let  her  examine  carefully  the  history 
of  past  events,  and  attend  to  the  voice  of  expe 
rience. 

In  the  same  age  we  have  just  mentioned,  the 
Low  Countries,  then  subject  to  the  crown  of 
Spain,  being  persecuted  by  the  court  and  church 
of  that  kingdom,  rose  up  to  resist  their  oppressors. 
Upon  which  in  the  year  1567,  the  Duke  of  Alva 
was  sent,  and  entered  the  country  with  a  well 
appointed  army,  ten  thousand  strong ;  in  order 
to  quell  and  punish  the  insurgents.  Terrified 
with  these  martial  operations,  the  towns  suffered 

*  See  the  life  of  Theod.  Agrip.  D'Aubigne,  p.  38. 

t  Whoever  wants  information  of  the  spirit,  cruelty,  and 
rapine  of  soldiers  quartered  in  populous  cities,  let  them  pe 
ruse  the  first  book  of  the  elegant  and  instructive  history, 
written  by  the  masterly  hand  of  Tacitus. 


408 

the  open  breach  of  their  charters,  and  the  people 
submitted  to  the  most  humiliating  infraction  of 
their  liberties  ;  while  Alva,  being  invested  with 
the  government,  erected  the  court  of  twelve,  call 
ed  The  Council  of  Blood,  and  caused  great  num 
bers  to  be  condemned  and  executed  on  account  of 
the  insurrections.  Universal  complaints  ensued 
on  this  disuse  of  the  ordinary  courts  of  law  and 
the  introduction  of  the  army  ;  but  complaints 
were  in  vain,  and  all  murmurs  despised.  The 
people  became  enraged  ;  but  without  a  leader, 
they  were  over-awed.  "  The  army,"  says  Sir 
William  Temple,  "  was  fierce  and  brave,  and  de 
sirous  of  nothing  so  much  as  a  rebellion  of  the 
country."  All  was  seizure  and  process,  confisca 
tion  and  imprisonment,  blood  and  horror,  insolence 
and  dejection,  punishments  executed  and  medi 
tated  revenge.  But  though  the  multitude  threat 
ened  vengeance,  the  threats  of  a  broken  and 
unarmed  people  excited  contempt  and  not  fear. 
Alva  redoubled  his  impositions  and  ravages  ;  his 
edicts  were  published  for  raising  monies  without 
the  consent  of  the  state,  and  his  soldiers  were 
called  to  levy  the  exactions  by  force.  But  the 
event  showed,  that  the  timidity  and  lameness  of 
mankind,  like  every  thing  human,  will  have  a 


409 

period.  The  patience  of  the  miserable  sufferers 
came  to  an  end  ;  and  those  commotions  began, 
which  deluged  a  great  part  of  Europe  with  blood, 
and  finally  freed  the  United  Provinces  from  the 
yoke  of  Spain  and  the  Inquisition.  What  conflicts 
too  sharp,  what  horrors  too  dreadful  to  endure, 
for  such  a  happy  deliverance, — such  a  glorious 
issue  ?  Thus  u  the  first  period  of  the  Low- Coun 
try  troubles,"  says  the  same  ingenious  writer, 
"  proved  to  King  Philip  (of  Spain)  a  dear  experi 
ence,  how  little  the  best  conduct  and  boldest 
armies  are  able  to  withstand  the  torrent  of  a 
stubborn  and  enraged  people,  which  ever  bears 
all  down  before  it,  till  it  comes  to  be  divided  into 
different  channels  by  arts,  or  by  chance  ;  or  till 
the  springs,  which  are  the  humours  that  fed  it, 
come  to  be  spent,  or  dry  up  of  themselves."  * 

During  several  centuries,  history  informs  us, 
that  no  monarch  in  Europe  was  either  so  bold, 
or  so  powerful,  as  to  venture  on  any  steps  towards 
the  introduction  of  regular  troops.  At  last, 
Charles  the  Seventh  of  France,  seizing  a  favoura 
ble  opportunity  in  1445,  executed  that  which  his 

*  See  Temple's  Obs.  upon  the  United  Provinces,  pp.  15, 
16,  17,  19. 

52 


410 

predecessors  durst  not  attempt,  and  established 
the  first  standing  army  known  in  Europe.  Lewis 
the  Eleventh,  son  and  successor  of  Charles,  find 
ing  himself  at  the  head  of  his  father's  forces, . 
was  naturally  excited  to  extend  the  limits  of 
his  ancestors,  in  the  levies  of  money  and  men. 
Charles  had  not  been  able  to  raise  upon  his  sub 
jects  two  millions,  but  the  army  he  left  his 
successor  enabled  him  to  levy  nearly  five.  The 
father  established  an  army  of  about  seventeen 
hundred,  which  "  he  kept  in  good  order,  and 
placed  for  the  defence  of  the  realm  ; "  but  this 
army,  though  thus  disciplined  and  stationed, 
enabled  the  son  to  maintain  u  in  continual  pay 
a  terrible  band  of  men  of  arms,  which  gave  the 
realm,"  says  the  historian,  Philip  de  Comines, 
"  a  cruel  wound,  of  which  it  bled  many  years."  * 
How  regular,  correspondent,  and  uniform  are  the 
rise  and  progression  of  military  calamities  in  all 
ages  !  How  replete  with  instruction, — how  full 
of  admonition,  are  the  memorials  of  distant  times; 
especially  when  contracted  into  the  view,  and 
held  up  in  comparison  with  the  present. 

*  Sixth  Book  of  the  Hist,  of  Ph.   de  Comines,  p.  206. 
London  Edit.  1614. 


411 

Charles  and  Lewis  having  set  the  example,  all 
the  neighbouring  crowned  heads  soon  followed, 
and  mercenary  troops  were  introduced  into  all  the 
considerable  kingdoms  of  the  continent.  They 
gradually  became  the  only  military  force  that  was 
employed  or  trusted.  "  It  has  long  been,"  says 
the  learned  Dr  Robertson,  "  the  chief  object  of 
policy  to  increase  and  support  them,  and  the 
great  aim  of  princes  or  ministers  to  discredit  and 
to  annihilate  all  other  means  of  national  activity  or 
defence."*  Who  will  wonder  at  this,  who  reflect, 
that  absolute  monarchies  are  established,  and  can 
only  be  supported  by  mercenary  forces  ?  Who 
can  be  surprised,  that  princes  and  their  subalterns 
discourage  a  martial  spirit  among  the  people,  and 
endeavour  to  render  useless  and  contemptible  the 
militia,  when  this  institution  is  the  natural  strength, 
an.l  only  stable  safeguard,  of  a  free  country  ?  f 
"  Without  it,  it  is  folly  to  think  any  free  govern 
ment  will  ever  have  security  and  stability."  J  A 

*  Hist.  Charles  V.  vol.  i.  p.  95.  See  also  Macauly's 
Hist,  of  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  165.  Sir  John  Phillips'  Speech 
in  the  British  House  of  Commons,  1744.  Debates  of  the 
Commons,  vol.  ii.  p.  61. 

t "  Our  trained  bands  are  the  truest  and  most  proper 
*  strength  of  a  free  nation."  Eikonoklastes  of  John  Milton, 

f  Hume  278. 


412 

standing  army  in  quarters  will  grow  effeminate 
and  dissolute  ;  while  a  militia,  uniformly  exer 
cised  with  hard  labor,  are  naturally  firm  and 
robust.  Thus  an  army  in  peace  is  worse  than  a 
militia  ;  and  in  war,  a  militia  will  soon  become 
disciplined  and  martial.  But  "  when  the  sword 
is  in  the  hands  of  a  single  person,  as  in  our  con 
stitution,  he  will  always,"  says  the  ingenious 
Hume,  "  neglect  to  discipline  the  militia,*  in 
order  to  have  a  pretext  for  keeping  up  a  standing 
army.  It  is  evident,"  says  the  same  great  char 
acter,  "  that  this  is  a  mortal  distemper  in  the 
British  government ;  of  which  it  must  at  last 
inevitably  perish."  f  What  a  deformed  monster 
is  a  standing  army  in  a  free  nation  !  Free,  did  I 
say  !  what  people  are  truly  free,  whose  monarch 
has  a  numerous  body  of  armed  mercenaries  at  his 
heels  ?  who  is  already  absolute  in  his  power, — or 

*  Of  a  like  opinion  was  Sir  Thomas  Lee,  in  Charles  the 
Second's  reign.  See  Grey's  Debates,  vol.  ii.  p.  391. 

In  order  to  discourage  the  train  bands  in  Charles  the 
First's  time,  the  court  found  means  to  enhance  the  price  of 
powder;  and  it  was  accordingly  complained  of  in  Parliament 
as  "  a  great  grievance."  Sec  Rush.  Coll.  vol.  i.  p.  33.  Let 
us  not  be  surprised,  if  any  like  artifice  should  be  practised  in 
our  day.  t  Hume  279- 


413 

by  the  breath  of  his  nostrils  may  in  an  instant 
make  himself  so  ? 

No  free  government  was  ever  founded,  or  ever 
preserved  its  liberty,  without  uniting  the  characters 
of  citizen  and  soldier  in  those  destined  for  the  de 
fence  of  the  state.  The  sword  should  never  be 
in  the  hands  of  any  but  those  who  have  an  inter 
est  in  the  safety  of  the  community,  who  fight  for 
their  religion  and  their  offspring, — and  repel 
invaders  that  they  may  return  to  their  private 
affairs  and  the  enjoyment  of  freedom  and  good 
order.  Such  are  a  well  regulated  militia  com 
posed  of  the  freeholders,  citizens,  and  husband 
men,  who  take  up  arms  to  preserve  their  property 
as  individuals,  and  their  rights  as  freemen.  Such 
is  the  policy  of  a  truly  wise  nation,  and  such  was 
the  wisdom  of  the  ancient  Britons.  The  primi 
tive  constitution  of  a  state  in  a  few  centuries  falls 
to  decay  ;  errors  and  corruptions  creep  gradually 
into  the  administration  of  government,  till  poster 
ity  forget,  or  disregard,  the  institutions  of  their 
remote  ancestors.  In  ancient  time,  the  militia 
of  England  was  raised,  officered,  and  conducted, 
by  common  consent.  Its  militia  was  the  orna 
ment  of  the  realm  in  peace,  and  for  ages  con 
tinued  the  only  and  sure  defence  in  war.  Was 


414 

the  king  himself  general  of  an  army,  it  was  by 
the  consent  of  his  people.  Thus  when  the  Ro 
mans  visited  the  island  of  Britain,  Cassibelan 
was  the  prince  and  chief  commander  in  war  ;  but 
it  was  by  the  election  of  the  great  common  coun 
cil.  Summa  belli,  says  Caesar,  communi  con- 
cilio,  Cassibelano  traditur.  Nor  will  this  seem 
strange,  when  we  consider  that  it  was  the  first 
state  maxim  with  the  Druids,  Ne  loqui  de  repub- 
licci,  nisi  per  concilium  ;  not  even  to  speak  upon 
a  matter  of  state  but  in  council.  Nor  is  it  to  be 
wondered  that  such  politicians  informed  Caesar, 
that  they  had  been  so  long  accustomed  to  liberty, 
that  they  knew  not  the  meaning  of  tribute  and 
slavery  ;  and  sent  him  word  that  they  had  as 
good  blood  as  he,  and  from  the  same  fountain. 
Surely  a  message  that  was  received  by  a  Roman, 
may  be  sent  to  a  British  Caesar.  These  were 
those  venerable  Druids,  who  had  inspired  the 
Gauls,  of  whom  Caesar  reports  this  memorable 
boast  :  "  We  can  call  or  appeal  to  such  a  great 
common  council,  as  all  the  world  cannot  resist." 
Tacitus,  speaking  of  our  Saxon  ancestors,  relates, 
Reges  ex  nobilitate,  duces  e%  virtute  in  iisdem 
conciliis  eliguntur.  The  great  council,  or  the 
Parliament  of  the  state,  had,  not  only  the  appoint- 


415 

ment  of  the  principes  militice,  but  the  conduct  of 
all  military  forces,  from  the  first  erection  of  the 
standard  to  its  lodgment  in  the  citadel  ;  fur,  as 
the  same  noble  writer  informs,  it  was  their  gene 
ral  custom,  not  to  entrust  any  man  with  the  bear 
ing  of  arms,  antequam  civitas  suffecturum  proba- 
verit.  Such  was  the  security  of  the  people  from 
the  calamities  of  a  standing  army  :  happy  indeed, 
if  their  successors  could  boast  a  similar  provision  ; 
— Britain  would  not  now  be  groaning  under  op 
pression,  nor  her  distant  children  struggling  for 
their  freedom. 

A  spirited  nation  thus  embodied  in  a  well  dis 
ciplined  militia  will  soon  become  warlike  ;  and 
such  a  people,  more  fitted  for  action  than  debate, 
always  hasten  to  a  conclusion  on  the  subject  of 
grievances  and  public  wrongs,  and  bring  their  de 
liberations  to  the  shortest  issue.  With  them  "  it  is 
the  work  of  but  one  day,  to  examine  and  resolve 
the  nice  question,  concerning  the  behaviour  of 
subjects  towards  a  ruler  who  abuses  his  power."* 

Artful  dissemblings  and  plausible  pretences  are 
always  adopted  in  order  to  introduce  regular 
troops.  Dionysius  became  the  tyrant  of  Syracuse, 

*  See  Dr  Robertson's  Hist,  of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  p.  204,  205. 


416 

the  most  opulent  of  all  the  Grecian  cities,  by 
feigning  a  solicitude  for  the  people  and  a  fear  of 
his  own  person.  He  humbly  prayed  only  a  guard 
for  his  protection  :  they  easily  granted,  what  he 
readily  took — the  power  of  plundering  by  military 
force  and  entailing  his  sovereignty  by  a  devise  of 
his  swrord.  Agathocles,  a  successor  to  the  Dio- 
nysian  family  and  to  the  command  of  the  army, 
continued  the  military  tyranny,  and  butchered  the 
enslaved  people  by  centuries. 

Cardinal  Ximenes,  who  made  the  first  innova 
tion  of  this  kind  in  Spain,  disguised  the  measure 
under  the  pious  and  popular  appearance  of  resist 
ing  the  progress  of  the  Infidels.  The  Nobles  saw 
his  views  and  excited  opposition  in  the  chief  towns 
of  the  kingdom.  But  by  dexterously  using  ter 
ror  and  entreaty,  force  and  forbearance,  the  refrac 
tory  cities  were  brought  to  compliance.  The 
nobles,  thus  driven  to  desperate  resolutions  by  the 
Cardinal's  military  movements,  at  a  personal  in 
terview,  were  warm  and  intemperate  ;  when  the 
arch-prelate  insensibly  led  them  towards  a  balcony 
from  which  they  had  a  view  of  a  large  body  of 
troops  under  arms,  and  a  formidable  train  of  artil 
lery.  "  Behold,"  says  he,  pointing  to  these,  and  rais 
ing  his  voice,  "  the  powers  which  I  have  receiv- 


417 

ed  from  his  Catholic  majesty.  With  these  I 
govern  Castile,  and  with  these  I  will  govern  it." 
Nobles  and  people  discovered  it  was  now  too  late 
for  resistance  : — to  regret  past  folly  and  dread  fu 
ture  calamities  was  the  remaining  fate  of  the 
wretched  Castilians.  After  the  Romans  quitted 
the  island  of  Britain,  the  first  appearance  of  a 
standing  army  was  under  Richard  the  Second. 
The  suppression  of  his  enemies  in  Ireland  calling 
him  out  of  England,  his  subjects  seized  the  op 
portunity  and  dethroned  him. 

Henry  the  Seventh,  a  character  odious  for  ra 
pacity  and  fraud,  was  the  first  king  of  England 
who  obtained  a  permanent  military  band  in  that 
kingdom.  It  was  only  a  band  of  fifty  archers  : — 
with  the  harmless  appellation  of  yeomen  of  the 
guards.  This  apparently  trivial  institution  was  a 
precedent  for  the  greatest  political  evil  that  ever  in 
fested  the  inhabitants  of  Britain.  The  ostensible 
pretext  was  the  dignity  of  government — "  the  gran 
deur  of  majesty  :  " — *  the  alteration  of  the  consti 
tution  and  an  increase  of  power  was  the  aim  of 
the  prince.  An  early  "oppugnation  of  the  king's 
authority,"  though  no  doubt  his  favourite  subal 
terns  would  have  styled  it  "  ill-timed,"  f  had  easily 

*  See  Rapin.      t  See  the  late  Governor  Bernard's  Speeches. 

53 


418 

effected  that  disbanding  of  the  new-raised  forces, 
which  being  a  little  while  delayed,  no  subsequent 
struggles  have  accomplished.  The  wisdom  of  re 
sistance  at  the  beginning  has  been  repeatedly  in 
culcated  by  the  wise  and  liberal-minded  of  all 
nations,  and  the  experience  of  every  age  hath 
confirmed  their  instruction.  But  no  precept,  or 
example,  can  make  the  bulk  of  mankind  wise  for 
themselves.  Though  cautioned  (as  we  have 
seen)*  against  the  projects  of  Caesar,  the  smiles 
of  his  benignity  deceived  the  Roman  Common 
wealth,  till  the  increase  of  his  power  bid  defiance 
to  opposition.  Celebrated  for  his  generosity  and 
magnificence,  his  complacency  and  compassion,! 
the  complaisant  courtier  made  his  way  into  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen.  They  would  not  be 
lieve,  though  admonished  by  the  best  of  men  and 
first  of  patriots,}  that  the  smiling  Caesar  would 
filch  away  their  liberties ; — that  a  native — born  and 
bred  a  Roman — would  enslave  his  country — the 
land  of  his  fathers — the  land  of  his  birth — the  land 
of  his  posterity.^  But  the  ambitious  Caesar  aiming 

*  See  before,  p.  398.  t  Sec  Sallust. 

J  M.  T.  Cicero.  See  Plut.  Life  of  Caesar. 
§  A  similar  infatuation  hath,  oftener  than   once,  prevailed 
in  this  Province  :  an  instance  of  which  we  have  in   the  time 


419 

at  authority,  and  Caesar  armed  and  intoxicated 
with  power,  appear  in  very  different  characters. 
He  who  appeared  with  the  mildness  of  a  fine 
gentleman,  in  his  primeval  state,  in  an  advanced 
station  conducted  with  the  sternness  of  a  tyrant. 
Opposed  by  a  tribune  of  the  people  in  taking 
money  out  of  the  public  treasury  against  the  laws, 
Caesar,  with  an  army  at  his  heels,  proclaimed, "  arms 
and  laws  do  not  flourish  together."  "If  you  are 

of  Governor  Dudley.  This  gentleman  "  after  lie  had  been 
agent  for  the  country?  tacked  about,  and  joined  with  the  in 
struments  that  overthrew  the  charter,  and  accepted  an  illegal 
and  arbitrary  commission  from  King  James,  by  which  he  held 
the  government,  until  the  arrival  of  Sir  Edmund  Andross  ; 
and  then  was  (as  president  of  the  council,  and  Chief  Judge 
of  the  territory)  a  chief  tool  of  all  the  ensuing  barbarous 
and  infamous  administration."  "  After  his  appointment  to 
the  government,  his  conduct  was  of  the  same  texture  with  his 
former  life:  (it  was  his  son  Paul,  who  wrote  to  England  that 
this  country  would  never  be  worth  living  in,  for  lawyers  and 
gentlemen,  till  the  charter  is  taken  away.") — Yet  such  was  the 
delusion  at  that  day,  "  some  of  the  Council  would  firmly  be 
lieve  charitably  of  him,  because  his  family  and  interest  were 
here,  and  therefore  thought  it  unreasonable  to  believe  he 
would  do  any  thing  that  should  hurt  his  country."  See  a 
book  published  in  London,  about  1708,  intitled,  "The  de 
plorable  state  of  New  England,  by  reason  of  a  covetous  and 
treacherous  Governor  and  pusillanimous  Counsellors."  p.  3  & 
9,&c. 


420 

not  pleased,"  added  the  usurper,  "with  what  I  am 
about,  you  have  nothing  to  do  but  to  withdraw. 
Indeed  war  will  not  bear  much  liberty  of  speech. 
When  I  say  this,  I  am  departing  from  my  own 
right.  For  you  and  all  I  have  found  exciting  a 
spirit  of  faction*  against  me  are  at  my  disposal." 
Saying  this,  he  approached  the  doors  of  the  trea 
sury;  as  the  keys  were  not  produced,  he  sent  his 
workmen  to  break  them  open.f  This  is  the  com 
plaisant  Caesar — renowned  for  his  amiable  qual 
ities  :  by  his  easy  address  he  deceived,  and  by  his 
arts  enslaved  his  countrymen, — and  prepared  the 
way  for  a  succeeding  Nero  to  spoil  and  slaughter 
them.  Singular  and  very  remarkable  have  been 
the  interpositions  of  Providence  in  favour  of  New 
England  : — the  permission  of  an  early  carnage  in 
our  streets,  peradventure,  was  to  awaken  us  from 
the  danger — of  being  politely  beguiled  into  se 
curity  and  fraudfully  drawn  into  bondage  ; — a 
state  that  sooner  or  later  ends  in  rapine  and 
blood.  Shall  we  be  too  enthusiastic,  if  we 
attribute  to  the  Divine  influence  that  unexpected 

*  Justice  was  faction  in  ancient  Rome,  as  well  as  modern 
Britain.  See  Macauly's  Hist.  405.  Montagu's  Rise  and 
Fall  of  the  Ancient  Repub.  275. 

t  Plut.  Life  of  Ccesar. 


421 

good  which  hath  so  often  in  our  day  been  brought 
out  of  premeditated  evil  ?  Few,  comparatively, 
of  the  many  mischiefs  aimed  against  us,  but  what 
have  terminated  in  some  advantage,  or  are  now 
verging  to  some  happy  issue.  If  the  dexterity  of 
veteran  troops  has  not  excited  envy,  if  their  out 
rage  hath  not  provoked  revenge,  their  military  dis 
cipline  hath  set  a  well-timed  example,  and  their 
savage  fury  been  a  well  improved  incentive.  The 
lusts  of  an  enemy  may  touch  a  sensibility  of 
mind,  and  his  very  pride  pique  the  virtue  of  the 
heart. 

Fleets  which  appeared  formidable,  and  armies 
which  threatened  destruction,  have  either  vapoured 
away  with  empty  parade,  or  executed  their  mis 
chievous  designs  with  rashness  and  folly.  To 
compensate  the  insult  and  repair  the  injury,  Provi 
dence  hath  caused  these  armaments  to  scatter 
much  wealth  and  diffuse  abroad  a  martial  passion : 
— a  passion,  which  hath  proved  so  contagious,  that 
our  militia  are  advanced  a  century,  at  least,  in 
discipline  and  improvements.  Where  are  the  peo 
ple  who  can  compose  a  militia  of  better  men,  more 
expert  in  the  use  of  arms  and  the  conduct  of  the 
field,  than  we  can  now  call  forth  into  action  ?  A 
militia  who,  a  few  years  ago,  knew  near  as  much 


422 

of  the  science  of  Algebra,  as  of  the  art  military. 
Thus  hostile  invasions  have  roused  among  us  the 
genius  of  war  : — that  genius,  which,  under  God, 
will  conduct  us  with  safety  and  honour — with  tri 
umph  and  glory. 

Surely  we  may  say  of  our  adversaries  ; — In  the 
net,  wThich  they  hid,  is  their  own  foot  taken,  and 
they  are  snared  in  the  wickedness  of  their  own 
hands.  Our  enemies,  the  last  ten  years,  have  been 
employed  to  weave  a  spider's  web  and  hatch  the 
eggs  of  a  cockatrice  : — consuming  their  own  bow 
els  by  what  they  have  weaved  ;  and  destroyed  by 
what  they  have  brought  forth.  Thus  Goliah  is 
killed  with  his  own  sword,  Haman  hanged  upon 
his  own  gallows.*  Marvellous  were  the  doings  of 
God  in  the  eyes  of  our  fathers  ; — nor  less  astonish 
ing  are  his  works  in  the  days  of  their  progeny. f 

*  Thus  also  the  Bishop  of  Verdun,  who  was  the  modern 
contriver  of  a  new  species  of  state-prison  (for  which  many 
have  cursed  him),  was,  by  the  righteous  dispensation  of  Provi 
dence,  first  put  into  it  himself,  and  confined  "  in  the  cruel 
prison"  fourteen  years.  Phil  de  Com.  Hist.  p.  216. 

t  It  was  an  observation  applied  by  the  first  settlers  of  New 
England  to  their  great  consolation,  that  when  wicked  men  are 
nearest  their  hopes,  godly  men  are  farthest  from  their  fears, 
because  the  insolence  and  cowardice  of  the  wicked  usually 
engage  God  to  defeat  their  design. 


423 

Charles  the  Second  told  his  parliament,  their 
"jealousy,  that  the  forces  he  had  raised  were  de 
signed  to  control  law  and  property,  was  weak  and 
frivolous."  *  The  cajolement  took  for  a  season, 
but  his  subjects  having  been  abused  by  repeated 
violations  of  his  most  solemn  vows,  at  last  roused 
from  their  lethargy ;  and  the  king  began  to  dread 
the  severity  of  their  vengeance.  He  therefore 
kept  up  a  standing  army,  not  only  against  law, 
but  against  the  repeated  resolutions  of  every 
Parliament  of  his  reign.  He  found  that  corruption 
without  force  could  not  confirm  him  a  tyrant,  and 
therefore  cherished  and  augmented  his  troops  to 
the  destruction  of  his  people  and  the  terror  of 
his  senators.  "  There  go  our  masters,"  f  was  a 
common  saying  among  the  members  of  Parlia 
ment.  "  No  law  can  restrain  these  people  ; 
houses  are  taken  from  us,  our  lives  are  in  danger," 
said  one  member  in  Parliament.  "  Without  be 
traying  our  trust,"  said  Russel,  "  we  must  vote 
these  standing  forces  a  grievance.  There  are  de 
signs  about  the  King,  to  ruin  religion  and  property. 
Public  business  is  the  least  of  their  concern.  A 

*  Speech   to    both   Houses,  February   1672,   and  Grey's 
Deb.  in  Parl.  vol.  vii.  p.  26. 
t  Johnson's  Works,  p.  312. 


424 

few  upstart  people,  making  hay  while  the  sun 
shines,  set  up  an  army  to  establish  their  interest : 
I  would  have  care  taken  for  the  future,  that  no 
army  be  raised  for  a  cabal  interest.  A  gentleman 
said,  the  last  session,  that  this  war  was  made  rather 
for  the  army,  than  the  army  for  the  war.  This 
government,  with  a  standing  army,  can  never  be 
safe  :  we  cannot  be  secure  in  this  house  ;  and 
some  of  us  may  have  our  heads  taken  off.  "  * 

Patriots  harangued  in  vain ; — the  Commons 
voted  the  keeping  up  the  army  illegal  and  a  griev 
ance, — but  while  they  thus  did,  they  openly  be 
trayed  a  dread  of  that  army.  "  I  would  not  give 
an  alarm  to  those  who  have  arms  in  their  hands," 
said  one  member  ;  "I  cannot  but  observe  that  the 
House  of  Commons  is  now  in  fear  of  the  army," 
said  another. f  Plain  as  it  was  for  what  end  the 
army  was  kept  up,  the  people  slumbered. 

The  exigencies  of  the  times  called  for  some 
thing  more  than  votes  and  paper  resolutions. 
What  was  the  consequence  of  this  national  cow 
ardice  and  inactivity  ?  "  England  saw  herself  en 
gaged  in  the  expense  of  600,000  pounds  sterling, 
to  pay  an  army  and  fleet,  which  certainly,  "  says 

*  Grey's  Debates,  vol.  ii.  219,  393. 

t  Grey's  Debates  in  Parl.  vol.  vii.  p.  71,  72,  73. 


425 

Rapin,  "had  not  been  prepared  to  make  war  with 
France,  or  for  the  security  of  England."  Spirit 
ed  resolves  may  please  the  ear  ;  senatorial  elo 
quence  may  charm  the  eye,  hut  these  are  not  the 
weapons  with  which  to  comhat  standing  armies  ; 
these  were  not  those,  which  freed  this  capital  from 
stationed  regiments  ; — they  are  not  those,  which 
will  ultimately But  I  forbear  :  time  will  un 
fold,  what  I  may  not  foretell. 

The  British  court,  never  destitute  of  plausibil 
ities  to  deceive,  or  inventions  to  inthrall  the  nation, 
appropriated  monies,  raised  by  Parliament  for  the 
purpose  of  disbanding  the  army,  to  their  continu 
ance  ;  *  and  uniformly  pursued  similar  measures, 
till,  in  the  year  16<°>4,  "the  King,  in  order  to  make 
his  people  sensible  of  their  new  slavery,  affected 
to  muster  his  troops,  which  amounted  to  4000,  well 
armed  and  disciplined." f  If  Rapin  denominated 
so  small  an  armament,  the  "slavery  of  the  subject 
under  Charles  the  Second,"  what  would  he  call 
the  state  of  Britons  under  George  the  Third  ? 
With  4000  troops,  the  kingdom,  it  seems,  was  re 
duced  to  servitude  :  but  the  spirit  of  the  nation 
soon  after  rose.  In  1635  complaint  was  made  in 

*  See  King's  Speech,  October  1678.  t  See  Rapin. 

54 


426 

Parliament,  "  that  the  country  was  weary  of  the 
oppression  and  plunder  of  the  soldiers;"  "  the 
army,"  it  was  said,  "  debauched  the  manners  of  all 
the  people,  their  wives,  daughters,  and  servants." 
The  grievance  became  intolerable, — and  what  was 
happy,  it  was  not  too  mighty  for  opposition.  James 
the  Second  had  only  14,  or  15,000  troops,  and 
no  riot  act.  The  barbarities  of  a  Kirk,  and  the 
campaign  of  a  Jeffreys,  could  not  pass  with  im 
punity.  The  revolution  succeeded,  and  James 
abdicated  his  throne.  Such  was  the  fate  of  one, 
who  vainly  affected  to  play  the  despot  writh  about 
fifteen  regiments.  Had  he  been  encircled  with  an 
hundred,  no  doubt  he  had  reigned  an  applauded 
tjmnt — flattered,  in  his  day,  with  that  lying  ap 
pellation,  "the  wisest  and  the  best  of  kings. "t 


*  Grey's  Debates,  vol.  viii.p.  365,  366. 

t "  Patrise  Patri,  Regum  Optimo,"  was  part  of  an  inscription 
on  the  marble  statue  erected  to  Charles  the  Second,  as  worth 
less  and  odious  a  prince  as  any  in  the  history  of  England.  See 
Rapin,  p.  734.  fol.  edit.— Even  Richard  the  Third,  generally 
represented  both  as  a  monster  in  person  and  disposition,  hath 
however  had  panegyrists  who  affirm,  that  he  was  remarkably 
genteel,  and  the  best  of  kings.  See  Barrington's  Observa 
tions  on  the  more  ancient  Statutes,  p.  392,  393. 

Thus  that  insolent  tyrant,  Henry  the  Eighth,  who  disgraced 
his  species  by  repeated  violations  of  his  most  solemn  vows, 


427 

The  army  of  the  present  king  of  Great  Britain 
is  larger  than  that  with  which  Alexander  subdued 
the  East,  or  Caesar  conquered  Gaul.  "  If  the 
army  we  now  keep  up,"  said  Sir  John  Phillips 
thirty  years  ago,  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
"  should  once  be  as  much  attached  to  the  crown 
as  Julius  Caesar's  army  was  to  him,  I  should  be 
glad  to  know  where  we  could  find  a  force  superior 
to  that  army."  Is  there  no  such  attachment 
now  existing  ?f  Surely  the  liberties  of  England, 
if  not  held  at  will,  are  holden  by  a  very  precari 
ous  tenure. 

and  the  practice  of  open  debauchery  and  riot ;  a  despot, 
who,  lost  to  the  common  feelings  of  humanity,  made  his  laws 
more  bloody  than  those  of  Draco  or  Dionysius,  and  caused  a 
greater  number  of  executions  than  any  cflier  King  of  Eng 
land,  is  characterized  on  the  Journals  of  the  House  of  Lords, 
as  a  Prince  of  wondrous  goodness  and  wisdom.  See  the 
same  Observations,  p.  46l,  462,  472.  Surely  he  who  calls  the 
reigning  monarch  "  the  wisest  and  best  of  kings,"  ought 
always  to  be  suspected  of  burlesque  and  sarcasm,  or  some 
thing  worse. 

*  See  Debates  in  the  House  of  Commons,  vol.  ii.  p.  56, 
57,  58. 

t "  By  a  numerous  army  and  a  severe  riot  act,  you  may  in 
deed  prevent  mobs  and  riots  among  the  people  ;  but  if  this 
method  be  pursued  for  a  long  time,  you  will  make  your  mia- 


428 

The  supreme  power  is  ever  possessed  by  those 
who  liave  arms  in  their  hands,  and  are  disciplined 
to  the    use  of  them.      When  the    Arrives,    con 
scious  of  a   good    title,   disputed  with  Lysander 
about  boundaries,   the  Lacedaemonian  showed  his 
swoid,    and   vauntingly    cried   out,    "  He   that   is 
master  of  this,  can  best  plead  about  boundaries." 
The    Marnertines    of    Messina   declined    appear 
ance  at  the  tribunal  of  Pompey,  to   acknowledge 
his  jurisdiction,  alleging  in  excuse,  ancient  privi 
leges,  granted  them  by  the  Romans.      "  Will  you 
never    have    done,"    exclaimed    Pompey,    "  with 
citing    laws    and    privileges    to    men    who    wear 
swords  ?"f      What  boundaries  will   they  set   to 
their    passions,     who     have    no    limits    to     their 
power  ?      Unlimited    oppression  and   wantonness 
are  the  never-failing  attendants  of  unbounded  au 
thority.       Such    power    a   veteran    army    always 
acquire,  and   being  able   to  riot  in    mischief  with 
impunity,   they  always  do  it  with   licentiousness. 

isters  tyrants  and  your  people  slaves.77  Sir  John  Bernard7s 
Speech  in  the  British  House  of  Commons,  1774.  Dcbat.  vol. 
ii.  p.  118.  QM.  If  this  method  hath  not  heen  thus  pursued? 
And  Qu.  Whether  the  prophecy  is  fulfilling,  or  already  ac 
complished  in  Great  Jiritain  ? 

*  Plut.  Life  of  Lysander.  t  Plut.  Life  of  Pompey. 


429 

Regular  soldiers,  embodied  for  the  purpose  of 
originating  oppression,  or  extending  dominion, 
ever  compass  the  control  of  the  magistrate.  The 
same  force  which  preserves  a  despotism  immuta 
ble,  may  change  the  despot  every  day.  Power 
is  soon  felt  by  those  who  possess  it,  and  they 
who  can  command,  will  never  servilely  obey. 
The  leaders  of  the  army,  having  become  masters 
of  the  person  of  their  sovereign,  degrade  or  exalt 
him  at  will.*  Obvious  as  these  truths  may  seem, 
and  confirmed  as  they  are  by  all  history,  f  yet  a 
weak  or  wicked  prince  is  easily  persuaded,  by 
the  creatures  who  surround  him,  to  act  the  tyrant. 
A  character  so  odious  to  subjects  must  necessa 
rily  be  timid  and  jealous.  Afraid  of  the  wise 
and  good,  he  must  support  his  dignity  by  the 
assistance  of  the  worthless  and  wicked.  Stand 
ing  armies  are  therefore  raised  by  the  infatuated 
prince  ;  no  sooner  established,  than  the  defence- 

*  "  Whoever  uses  a  mercenary  army,"  says  the  great  Lord 
Chancellor  Bacon,  "  though  he  may  spread  his  feathers  for  a 
time,  he  will  mew  them  soon  after  ;  and  raise  them  with 
what  design  you  please,  yet,  like  the  West  India  dogs,  in 
Boccaline,  in  a  little  time  they  will  certainly  turn  sheep- 
biters." 

t  See  Dr  Sullivan's  Lectures  on  the  Laws  of  England,  p.  56. 


430 

less  multitude  are  their  first  prey.  Mere  power 
is  wanton  and  cruel ;  the  army  grow  lire  n  io;  s, 
and  the  people  grow  desperate.  Dreadful  alter 
native  to  the  infatuated  monarch  !  In  constant 
jeopardy  of  losing  the  regalia  of  empire,  till  the 
caprice  of  an  armed  banditti  degrade  him  from 
sovereignty,*  or  the  enraged  people  wreak  an 
indiscriminate  and  righteous  vengeance.  Alas  ! 
when  will  kings  learn  wisdom,  and  mighty  men 
have  understanding  ? 

A  further  review  of  the  progress  of  armies  in 
our  parent  state,  will  be  a  useful,  though  not  a 
pleasant  employ.  No  particular  reason  or  occa 
sion  was  so  much  as  suggested  in  the  bill  which 
passed  the  Parliament  in  1717,  for  keeping  on 
foot  a  standing  army  of  30,000  men  in  time  of 
peace  (a  number  since  amazingly  increased :) 
an  act  justly  recorded  in  the  Lord's  Journal  to 
be  a  precedent  for  keeping  the  same  army  at  all 
times,  and  which,  the  protest  of  that  day  foretold, 
"  must  inevitably  subvert  the  ancient  constitution 

*  Sir  Robert  Atkins  (afterwards  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Common  Pleas  in  England)  said  in  Parliament  (anno  1667), 
— "  Six  Emperors  in  five  years  had  their  heads  tumbled 
down  by  a  military  government."  Grey's  Debates  in  Parl. 
vol.  i.  p.  23. 


431 

of  the  realm,  and  subject  the  subjects  to  arbitrary 
power."  *  To  borrow  the  pointed  turn  of  a 
modern  orator, — what  was  once  prophecy,  is  now 
history. 

The  powers  given  by  the  mutiny  act  which  is 
now  constantly  passed  every  year,  were  repeatedly 
in  former  times  "  opposed  and  condemned  by 
Parliament  as  repugnant  to  Magna  Charta,  and 
inconsistent  with  the  fundamental  rights  and  lib 
erties  of  a  free  people."!  In  this  statute,  no 
provision  is  made  for  securing  the  obedience  of 
the  military  to  the  civil  power,  on  which  the  pre 
servation  of  our  constitution  depends.  A  great 
number  of  armed  men  governed  by  martial  law,t 
having  it  in  their  power,  are  naturally  inclined 
not  only  to  disobey,  but  to  insult,  the  civil  magis 
trate.^  The  experience  of  what  hath  happened 

*  See  Lords'  Prot.  vol.  iii.  p.  273. 

t  See  same  book,  p.  279. 

t"  A  law  unknown  to  our  constitution,  destructive  of  our 
liberties,  not  endured  by  our  ancestors,  and  never  mentioned 
in  any  of  our  statutes,  but  in  order  to  condemn  it."  Lords' 
Prot.  vol.  ii.  p.  283. 

§Very  notable  instances  of  this  have  been  seen  in  this 
province  ;  which  will  be  recorded  to  the  eternal  infamy  of 
those  who  brooked  the  insult. 


432 

in  England,  as  well  as  the  memorials  of  all  ages 
and  nations  have  made  it  sufficiently  apparent, 
that  wherever  an  effectual  provision  is  not  made 
to  secure  the  obedience  of  soldiers  to  the  laws  of 
their  country,  the  military  hath  constantly  sub 
verted  and  swallowed  up  the  civil  power.  What 
provision  of  this  kind  can  the  several  continental 
legislatures  make  against  British  troops  stationed 
in  the  colonies  ?  Nay,  if  the  virtue  of  one  branch 
of  government  attempted  the  salutary  measure, 
would  the  first  branch  ever  give  its  consent  ?  A 
governor  must,  he  will,  obey  his  master ;  the 
alternative  is  obvious  ; — the  armies  quartered 
among  us  must  be  removed,  or  they  will  in  the 
end  overturn  and  trample  on  all  that  we  ought  to 
hold  valuable  and  sacred. 

We  have  authority  to  affirm,  that  the  regular 
forces  of  Great  Britain  consist  of  a  greater  num 
ber  than  is  necessary  for  the  guard  of  the  king's 
person  and  the  defence  of  the  government,  and 
therefore  dangerous  to  the  constitution  of  the 
kingdom.  What  then  do  these  armaments,  when 
established  here,  threaten  to  our  laws  and  liber 
ties  ?  Well  might  the  illustrious  members  of  the 
House  of  Peers,  in  1 722,  hold  forth  the  danger  of 
"  a  total  alteration  of  the  frame  of  our  constitu- 


433 

tion,  from  a  legal  and  limited  monarchy  to  a  des 
potic  ;"  and  declare,  they  were  "  induced  to  be 
of  this  judgement,  as  well  from  the  nature  of 
armies,  and  the  inconsistency  of  great  military 
power  and  martial  law,  with  civil  authority,  as 
from  the  known  and  universal  experience  of  other 
countries  in  Europe,  which,  by  the  influence  and 
power  of  standing  armies,  in  time  of  peace,  have 
from  limited  monarchies,  like  ours,  been  changed 
into  absolute."  The  taxes  necessary  to  main 
tain  a  standing  army,  drain  and  impoverish  the 
land.  Thus  exhausted  by  tribute,  the  people 
gradually  become  spiritless,  and  fall  an  easy 
sacrifice  to  the  reigning  power. 

Spirits,  like  Britons,  naturally  fierce  and  inde 
pendent,  are  not  easily  awed  or  suddenly  van 
quished  by  the  sword.  Hence  an  augmentation 
of  forces  hath  been  pushed,  when  there  was  no 
design  of  bringing  them  into  action  against  Eng 
lishmen  in  an  open  field.  New  forces  have 
oftener  than  once  been  raised  in  England  more 
for  civil  than  military  service  ;  and  as  elections 
for  a  new  Parliament  have  approached,  this  door 
has  been  opened  to  introduce  a  large  body  of 

*See  Lords'  Prot.  vol.  i.  pp.  337,  338. 

55 


434 

commissioned  pensioners.*  What  hath  been  the 
consequence  ?  A  constant  majority  of  placemen 
meeting  under  the  name  of  a  Parliament,  to  es 
tablish  grievances  instead  of  redressing  them, — 
to  approve  implicitly  the  measures  of  a  court  with 
out  information, — to  support  and  screen  ministers 
they  ought  to  control  or  punish, — to  grant  money 
without  right  and  expend  it  without  discretion  ? 
Have  these  been  the  baneful  consequences?  Are 
these  solemn  truths  ?  Alas  !  we  tremble  to 
think  ; — but  we  may  venture  to  say,  that  when 
this  is  true  of  that  legislative  authority,  which 
not  only  claims,  but  exercises,  u  full  power  and 
authority  to  make  laws  and  statutes  to  bind  the 
colonies  and  people  of  America  in  all  cases  what 
soever,"  t  the  forms  of  our  constitution,  creating 

*  See  Lords'  Prot.  vol.  ii.  p.  162. 

t  See  the  declarative  act  of  the  British  Parliament,  anno 
!766._«  From  that  period  (Sir  Robert  Walpole's  day)  to  the 
present  time  (1762),  has  proved  a  very  remarkable  one  in 
the  history  of  the  British  constitution; — no  one  instance  can 
be  produced  in  which  the  royal  business  has  been  retarded, 
through  the  scrupulousness  of  the  people's  representatives." 
Political  Essays  concerning  the  Present  State  of  the  British 
Empire. — "  From  the  revolution  to  this  day  (1762),  the  meas 
ures  of  the  crown  have  universally  been  the  measures  of 
Parliament."  Ib.  p.  46. 


435 

a  fatal  delusion,  will  become  our   greatest  griev 
ance. 

The  formalities  of  a  free,  and  the  ends  of  a 
despotic  state,  have  often  subsisted  together. 
Thus  deceived  was  the  republic  of  Rome  ; — offi 
cers  and  magistrates  retained  their  old  names ; — 
the  forms  of  the  ancient  government  being  kept 
up,  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  commonwealth 
were  violated  with  impunity,  and  its  once  free 
constitution  utterly  annihilated.  *  He  who  gave 
Augustus  Cresar  the  advice  "  that  to  the  officers 
of  state  the  same  names,  pomp,  and  ornaments, 
should  be  continued,  with  all  the  appearances  of 
authority,  without  the  power,"  f  discovered  an 
intimate  acquaintance  with  mankind.  The  advice 
was  followed,  and  Caesar  soon  became  senate, 
magistracy,  and  laws.  Is  not  Britain  to  Ameri 
ca  what  Caesar  was  to  Rome  ? 

It  is  curious  to  observe  the  various  acts  of  im 
position,  which  are  alternately  practised  by  the 
great  and  subtle  of  this  world  on  their  subordinate 
and  simple-minded  brethren.  Are  a  people  free, 
new  oppressions  are  introduced  or  shrouded  under 

*  See  hereafter. 

t  "  Eadem  magistratuum  vocabula,— sua  consulibus,  sua 
prsetoribus  species." 


436 

old  names  ; — are  they  in  present  bondage,  and 
begin  to  grow  turbulent  ;  new  appellations  must 
be  adopted  to  disguise  old  burthens.  A  notable 
instance  of  this  latter  kind  we  find  in  the  Parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain,  (in  36  Ed.  Ill,  e.  2,) 
upwards  of  four  hundred  years  ago.  The  royal 
prerogative,  called  purveyance,  having  been  in 
vain  regulated  by  many  preceding  statutes,  still 
continued  so  intolerably  grievous,  that  fresh  mur 
murs  and  complaints  called  for  a  more  adequate  or 
better  adapted  provision.  The  British  legislature, 
for  this  valuable  purpose,  therefore  passed  this 
very  remarkable  law,  which,  by  way  of  remedy, 
enacted  as  follows,  viz. — "That  the  hateful  name 
of  purveyor,  shall  be  changed  into  that  of  Acator." 
Thus  the  nation  were  made  to  believe  that  the 
oppression  ceased,  because  the  name  was  altered. 
For  the  honour  of  government,  as  well  as  man 
kind,  it  is  devoutly  to  be  wished,  that  our  laws 
and  history  contained  no  other  record  of  such 
disgraceful  practices.  If  any  late  acts  of  the 
British  Parliament  carry  strong  marks  of  a  similar 
policy,  it  is  surely  not  altogether  umvorthy  the 
consideration  of  the  members  of  that  august  body, 
— how  far  such  disingenuous  practices  are  con 
sistent  with  the  honour  of  their  private  characters, 
or  the  dignity  of  their  public  station. 


437 

The  magic  of  sounds  and  appellations  hath  not 
ceased,  and  they  work  as  much  deception  and 
abuse  as  ever.  What  valuable  purpose  does  a 
Wholly  subordinate  legislative  serve  (except  to 
amuse  with  the  shadow,  while  the  substance  is 
departed),  if  a  remote  state  may  legislate  for  and 
bind  us  "in  all  cases?'5  To  what  end  doth  an 
American  House  of  Representatives  go  through 
the  forms  of  granting  away  monies,  if  another 
power,  full  as  familiar  with  our  pockets,  may 
annihilate  all  they  do  ;  and  afterwards,  with  a 
modern  dexterity,  take  possession  of  our  purses 
without  ceremony,  and  dispose  of  the  contents 
without  modesty,  without  control,  and  without 
account  ?  * 

*  "  If  the  king  could  at  pleasure  levy  the  necessary  sums  of 
money  (for  the  expenses  of  the  government  &c.),  he  being 
sole  judge  of  the  necessity,  both  as  to  measure  and  quantity, 
as  Charles  the  First  claimed,  in  the  case  of  ship-money,  the 
state  of  the  subjects  would  be  precarious,  and  the  king  would 
be  as  absolute  a  monarch  as  the  present  king  of  France  or 
Spain."  Dr  Sullivan's  Lectures  on  the  Laws  of  England, 
p.  189.  What  is  it  to  America,  whether  the  King  or  Parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain,  or  any  other  body,  natural  or  political, 
is  absolute  master  over  her, — and  where  is  the  difference 
between  French,  Spanish,  and  English  dragooning?  In  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  Second,  a  wooden  shoe,  such  as  the 


438 

It  is  curious  and  instructive  to  attend  the  course 
of  debate  in  the  British  Commons  for  keeping  up 
the  army.  At  first  even  the  highest  courtiers 
would  argue  —  that  a  standing  army,  in  time  of 
peace,  was  never  attempted.  *  Soon  after  the 
court  speakers  urged  for  continuance  of  a  numer 
ous  army  for  one  year  longer.  At  the  end  of 
several  years  after,  the  gentlemen  throw  aside  the 
mask,  and  boldly  declare  such  a  number  of  troops 
must  always  be  kept  up.  In  short,  the  army 
must  be  continued  till  it  becomes  part  of  the  con 
stitution  ;  and  in  later  times  members  of  the  house 
have  ventured  to  harangue  for  measures,  none 
would  have  dared  to  lisp  a  few  years  before.  The 
wise  foresaw  this,  and  the  honest  foretold  it.  "  If 
we  continue  the  army  but  a  little  while  longer," 
said  a  celebrated  member  upwards  of  forty  years 
ago,  "  it  may  be  in  the  power  of  some  gentlemen 
to  talk  in  this  house  t  in  terms  that  will  be  no  way 

peasants  wear,  in  France,  was  laid  near  the  chair  of  the 
Speaker  of  the  Commons  House  ;  the  arms  of  England  drawn 
at  one  end  of  it,  and  those  of  France  at  the  other,  with  these 
words  in  the  interval,  Utrum  horum  mavis  accipe.  Grey's 
Debates,  vol.  ii.  p.  223. 

*  See  Sir  Robert  Carr's  Harangue  in  Parliament,  1673. 
Grey's  Debates,  vol.  ii.  p.  220. 

t  Commons  of  Great  Britain. 


439 

agreeable  to  the  constitution  or  liberties  of  our 
country.  To  tell  us,  that  the  same  number  of 
forces  must  be  always  kept  up,  is  a  proposition 
full-fraught  with  innumerable  evils,  and  more  par 
ticularly  with  this,  that  it  may  make  wicked 
ministers  more  audacious  than  otherwise  they 
would  be  in  projecting  and  propagating  schemes 
which  may  be  inconsistent  with  the  liberties,  des 
tructive  of  the  trade,  and  burthensome  on  the 
people  of  this  nation.  Tn  countries  governed  by 
standing  armies,  the  inclinations  of  the  people  are 
but  little  minded,  the  ministers  place  their  securi 
ty  in  the  army,  the  humours  of  the  army  they 
only  consult,  with  them  they  divide  the  spoils, 
and  the  wretched  people  are  plundered  by  both." 
Who  that  now  reconsiders  this  prophetic  language, 
in  conjunction  with  the  events  of  his  own  time, 
but  will  cry  out — The  speaker  felt  the  impulse  of 
inspiration ! 

"  Whoever,"  says  the  justly  celebrated  Dr 
Blackstone,  "  will  attentively  consider  the  English 
history  may  observe,  that  the  flagrant  abuse  of 
any  power,  by  the  crown  or  its  ministers,  has  al 
ways  been  productive  of  a  struggle,  which  either 
discovers  the  exercise  of  that  power  to  be  con- 


440 

trary  to  law,  or,  if  legal,  restrains  it  for  the  fu 
ture."  * 

The  ingenious  commentator  seems  here  to  have 
particular  reference  to  periods  prior  to  the  revolu 
tion.  But  will  the  learned  judge  say,  that  since 
that  era  there  have  been  no  flagrant  abuses  of 
power  by  the  crown  or  its  ministers  ?  Have  not 
repeated  struggles  arisen  in  consequence  of  such 
abuses,  which  did  not  terminate  in  the  happy  issue 
so  characteristic  of  Englishmen  ?  Let  any  one 
peruse  the  journals  of  Parliament,  especially  those 
of  the  house  of  peers  :  let  him  carefully  review 
the  British  and  American  annals  of  the  present 
century,  and  answer  truly  to  those  questions.  The 
natural  inquiry  will  be — Whence  then  is  it,  that 
such  abuses  have  become  so  numerous  and  fla 
grant,  and  the  struggles  of  Britons  so  unsuccess 
ful  ?  Will  riot  the  question  receive  an  ample  so 
lution  in  the  words  of  the  same  great  lawyer  ? — 
"There  is  a  newly  acquired  branch  of  (royal) 
power  ;  and  that  not  the  influence  only,  but  the 
force  of  a  disciplined  army,  paid  indeed  ultimate 
ly  by  the  people,  but  immediately  by  the  crown  ; 
raised  by  the  crown,  officered  by  the  crown,  com 
manded  by  the  crown,  "t 

*  3  Bla.  Com.  p.  135.  t  1  Bla.  Com.  pp.  336,  337- 


441 

We  are  told,  by  the  same  learned  author,  that 
"  whenever  the  unconstitutional  oppressions,  even 
of  the  sovereign  power,  advance  with  gigantic 
strides  and  threaten  desolation  to  a  state,  mankind 
will  not  be  reasoned  out  of  the  feelings  of  hu 
manity,  nor  will  sacrifice  their  liberty  by  a  scru 
pulous  adherence  to  those  political  maxims,  W7hich 
were  established  to  preserve  it."*  But  those  who 
cannot  be  reasoned  out  of  their  feelings,  are  easily 
repressed  by  the  terror  of  arms  from  giving  tokens 
of  their  sensibility  ;  and  states,  ancient  and  mod 
ern, — (yes,  Britain  will  bear  me  witness  ! ) — who 
would  disdain  to  sacrifice  their  freedom  to  politi 
cal  institutions,  have  tremblingly  stood  aloof,  while 
it  was  dragged  to  the  altar  under  the  banners  of  a 
royal  army. 

The  policy  and  refinements  of  men  clothed  with 
authority  often  deceive  those  who  are  subject  to  its 
control  ;  and  thus  a  people  are  often  induced  to 
waive  their  rights,  and  relinquish  the  barriers  of 
their  safety.  The  fraud,  however,  must  at  last 
be  discovered,  and  the  nation  will  resume  their 
ancient  liberties,  if  there  be  no  force  sufficient  to 
screen  the  usurper  and  defend  his  domination. 
The  sword  alone  is  sufficient  to  subdue  that  spirit, 
*  1  Bla.  Com.  245. 

56 


442 

which  compels  rulers  to  their  duty,  and  tyrants  to 
their  senses.  Hence,  then,  though  a  numerous 
standing  army  may  not  be  absolutely  requisite  to 
depress  a  kingdom  into  servitude,  they  are  indis 
pensably  necessary  to  confirm  an  usurpation. 

A  large  army  and  revenue  are  not  easily  and  at 
once  forced  upon  a  free  people.  By  slow  degrees 
and  plausible  pretences,  as  we  have  seen  in  Eng 
land,  the  end  is  accomplished.  But  when  once  a 
numerous  body  of  revenue  and  military  men,  en 
tirely  dependant  on  the  crown,  are  incorporated, 
they  are  regardless  of  any  thing  but  its  will :  and 
where  that  will  centres,  and  what  such  power  can 
effect,  is  a  matter  of  no  doubtful  disputation. 

The  present  army  of  a  prince  is  always  compos 
ed  of  men  of  honor  and  integrity,  as  the  reigning 
monarch  is  ever  the  best  of  kings.  In  such  an 
army,  it  is  said,  you  may  trust  your  liberties  with 
safety  :  in  such  a  king,  you  may  put  your  confi 
dence  without  reserve  ; — the  good  man  has  not  a 
wish  beyond  the  happiness  of  his  subjects  !  Yet 
let  it  be  remembered,  that  under  the  best  of  kings, 
we  ought  to  seize  the  fleeting  opportunity,  and 
provide  against  the  worst.  But  admitting  that 
from  this  rare  character — a  wise  and  good  mon 
arch — a  nation  have  nothing  to  fear  ;  yet  they 


443 

have  every  thing  to  dread  from  those  who  would 
clothe  him  with  authority,  and  invest  him  with 
powers  incompatible  with  all  political  freedom 
and  social  security.*  France,  Spain,  Denmark, 
and  Sweden,  in  modern  times  have  felt  the  bane 
ful  effects  of  this  fatal  policy.  Though  the  latter 
state  are  said  to  have  this  excellent  institution,  that 
the  commissions  to  their  military  officers  all  run, 
quam  dm  se  bene  gesserint  :  a  regulation  which 
ought  to  be  the  tenure  of  all  offices  of  public  trust, 
and  may  be  of  singular  utility  in  states  \vhich 
have  incorporated  a  standing  army  as  a  part  of  the 
constitution  of  government. 

An  invasion  and  conquest  by  mere  strangers  and 
foreigners  are  neither  so  formidable  nor  disgraceful 
as  the  establishment  of  a  standing  army  under  co 
lor  of  the  municipal  law  of  the  land.  Thus  Ro 
man  armies  were  more  terrible  to  the  Roman 

*  "Galba  had  the  greatest  integrity  of  heart:  but  in  the 
court  of  Galba  appeared  all  the  extortion  of  Nero's  reign : — 
and  as  the  rapacity  and  other  excesses  of  his  ministers  were 
imputed  to  him,  Galba  was  no  less  hated,  than  if  he  had  com 
mitted  them  himself."  Plut.  Life  of  Galba. — See  also,  to  the 
same  point,  Gord.  Disc,  on  Tacitus,  vol.  iii.  p.  19,35,38,79. 
A  Monarch  justly  dignified  with  the  appellation  of  "the 
wisest^d  best  of  kings,"  will  surely  receive  some  advan 
tage  by  attentively  contemplating  an  instance  so  replete  with 
instruction. 


444 

colonies,  than  an  "enemy's  army."*  Valor  has 
scope  for  action  against  an  open  enemy,  but  the 
most  precious  liberties  of  a  kingdom  are  massa 
cred  in  cold  blood  by  the  disciplined  Janizaries  of 
the  state,  and  there  is  little  hope  of  a  general  re 
sistance.  The  natural,  inherent  right  of  the  con 
quered  is  to  throw  off  the  yoke,  as  soon  as  they 
are  able ;  but  subjects  enslaved  by  the  military 
forces  of  their  own  sovereign,  become  spiritless 
and  despondent  ;  and  scaffolds  and  axes,  the  gib 
bet  and  the  halter,  too  often  terrify  them  from 
those  noble  exertions  which  would  end  in  their 
deliverance  by  a  glorious  victory  or  an  illustrious 
death. 

Yet  in  full  peace,  without  any  just  apprehensions 
of  insurrections  at  home  or  invasions  from  abroad, 
it  was  the  mischievous  policy  of  the  English  min 
istry,  in  1717,  to  procure  an  allowance  of  nearly 
double  the  forces  to  what  had  ever  before  been  es 
tablished  by  the  sanction  of  Parliament  in  times  of 
public  tranquillity.  Well  might  many  of  the  no 
bility  of  Britain  conceive,  that  as  so  many  forces 
were  no  ways  necessary  to  support,  they  had 
reason  to  fear  danger  to  the  constitution,  which 


*  See  Gordon's  Disc,  on  Sallust,  vi.  §  3.  p.  128.    ! 


445 

was  never  entirely  subverted  but  by  a  standing 
army.  *  The  English  military  bands  have  since 
been  much  augmented  ; — and  whether  this  dis 
graceful  subversion  has  already  taken  place,  or  is 
still  verging  to  its  accomplishment,  may  be  resolv 
ed,  after  a  further  inspection  into  memorials  of 
the  present  age. 

More  than  half  a  century  since,  the  discerning 
members  of  the  House  of  Lords  discovered  the 
tendency  of  these  extraordinary  armaments  to  be 
no  other,  than  to  overthrow  the  civil  power  of  the 
kingdom,  and  to  turn  it  into  a  military  govern 
ment,  f  A  very  short  period  after  this,  many  of 
the  same  noble  house  bore  open  testimony,  that 
they  were  "justly  jealous,  from  the  experience 
of  former  times,  that  the  crown  itself,  as  well  as 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  might  be  found  at  the 
disposal  of  a  standing  army  at  home."! 

But  as  if  one  standing  army  was  not  enough 
to  ruin  a  nation  of  Englishmen,  a  new  kind  of 
forces  was  raised  against  the  Commonwealth. 
The  officers  employed  in  the  customs,  excise, 
in  other  branches  of  the  revenue,  and  other  parts 

*  Lords'  Prot.  vol.  i.  p.  282. 

f  S£  Lords'  Prot.  vol.  i.  p.  315,  anno  1721. 

|  See  Lords'  Prot.  vol.  ii.  80. 


v 


446 

of  public  service,  compose  in  effect  a  second 
standing  army  in  England,  and  in  some  respects 
are  more  dangerous,  than  that  body  of  men,  prop 
erly  so  called.  The  influence  which  this  order 
have  in  the  elections  of  members  to  serve  in  Par 
liament,  hath  been  too  often  felt  in  Great  Britain 
to  be  denied.  And  we  have  good  authority  to 
say,  "  that  examples  are  not  hard  to  find,  where 
the  military  forces  have  withdrawn  to  create  an 
appearance  of  a  free  election,  and  the  standin" 

o 

civil  forces  of  this  kind  have  been  sent  to  take 
that  freedom  away."  *  Is  a  House  of  Commons, 
thus  chosen,  the  representative  of  the  people, — or 
of  the  administration, — or  of  a  single  minister  ?  f 
As  Lewis  the  Eleventh  of  France,  was  the 
first  monarch  in  Europe,  who  reduced  corruption 
to  a  system,  so  the  era  of  its  establishment  in 
England  may  be  fixed  at  the  reign  of  Charles 
the  Second.  Britain,  then  for  the  first  time,  saw 
corruption,  like  a  destroying  angel,  walking  at 
noonday.  Charles  pensioned  his  Parliament, 
and  by  it  extinguished,  not  only  the  spirit  of  free 
dom,  but  the  sentiments  of  honour  and  the 

*  See  Lords'  Prot.  vol.  ii.  p.  83. 

t  See  same  book  and  page.  The  reader  is  desired  4  read 
again  p.  433,  and  the  note  at  p.  434.  See  also  hereafter 
p.  449- 


447 

feelings  of  shame.  Since  the  age  of  Charles, 
the  science  of  bribery  and  corruption  hath  made 
amazing  progress.  Patriots  of  the  last  century 
told  their  countrymen  what  it  threatened, — the 
worthies  of  this  day  ought  rather  to  tell  what 
hath  been  effected. 

Near  fifty  years  ago,  there  were  more  than  two 
hundred  persons  holding  offices  or  employments 
under  the  crown  in  the  House  of  Commons.* 
Since  that  time  this  body  like  the  military  (and 
for  the  same  purposes)  has  received  very  nota 
ble  additions.  Is  it  to  be  wondered,  then,  as  we 
verge  nearer  to  our  own  times,  we  should  hear 
the  most  august  assembly  in  the  kingdom  declar 
ing  to  the  whole  world,  that  "  the  influence  of 
the  crown  is  almost  irresistible,  being  already 
overgrown  and  yet  increasing  ;"  t — that  "  the 
most  valuable  rights  of  the  nation  are  subverted 
by  arbitrary  and  illegal  proceedings:"! — that 
"a  flagrant  usurpation  "  is  made  upon  the  sub 
ject,  "  as  highly  repugnant  to  every  principle  of 
the  constitution,  as  the  claim  of  ship-money  by 
King  Charles  the  First,  or  that  of  the  dispensing 

*  See  Lords'  Prot.  p.  66,    anno  1729. 

f  See  Lords'  Prot.  Feb.  8, 1760.  Suppl.  to  Lords'  Prot.  p.  9. 

|  See  same  book,  p.  12,  Jan.  1770. 


448 

power  by  King  James  the  Second."  *  Finally, 
considering  all  that  we  have  seen  in  the  course 
of  our  review,  could  any  thing  else  be  expected, 
than  what  forty  of  the  House  of  Lords  openly 
protest  "  they  have  seen  with  great  uneasiness  ; 
— a  plan,  for  a  long  time  systematically  carried 
on,  for  lowering  all  the  constitutional  powers  of 
the  kingdom,  rendering  the  House  of  Commons 
odious,  and  the  House  of  Peers  contemptible."  t 
Here  let  us  pause,  my  fellow  citizens,  and 
consider : — hath  the  execrable  plan  thus  system 
atically  and  for  a  long  time  pursued,  at  last 
taken  effect  ?  Are  all  the  constitutional  powers 
of  Great  Britain  so  lowered  in  the  estimation 
of  the  people,  that  their  representatives  are  de 
tested,  and  their  nobility  despised  ?  Is  their  King 
possessed  of  power  sufficient  to  make  fear  a  sub 
stitute  for  love  ?  Has  he  an  army  at  his  absolute 
command,  with  which  no  force  in  his  empire  is 
able  to  cope  ?  Judge  ye,  my  countrymen,  of 
these  questions,  upon  which  I  may  not  decide ; 
— judge,  for  yourselves,  of  the  political  state  of 
that  kingdom,  which  claims  a  right  of  disposing 
of  our  all, — a  right  of  laying  every  burden  that 

*  See  Lords'  Protest,  p.  22,  23,  Feb.  1770. 

t  See  Supplement  to  Lords'  Prot.  p.  29,  anno  177^. 


449 

power  can  impose,  * — a  right  of  overrunning 
our  soil  and  freeholds  with  mercenary  legions, 
and  still  more  mercenary  placemen  and  depend 
ants.  Thus  luxury  and  riot,  debauchery  and 
havock,  are  to  become  the  order  and  peace  of  our 
cities,  and  the  stability  and  honour  of  our  times. 
To  this  and  like  hopeful  purposes,  we  find  "  the 
fullest  directions  sent  to  the  several  officers  of  the 
revenue,  that  all  the  produce  of  the  American  du 
ties,  arising,  or  to  arise,  by  virtue  of  any  British 
act  of  Parliament,  should  from  time  to  time  be 
paid  to  the  deputy  paymaster  in  America,  to  defray 
the  subsistence  of  the  troops,  and  any  military 
expenses  incurred  in  the  colonies."!  Highly 
favoured  Americans  !  you  are  to  be  wasted  with 
taxes  and  impositions,  in  order  to  satisfy  the 
charges  of  those  armaments  which  are  to  blast 

*  "  It  will  be  proper  to  lay  on  the  Americans  every  bur 
then  which  the  hand  of  power  can  impose,  if  they  should 
attempt  to  become  manufacturers."  Conduct  of  Administra 
tion  examined,  1767.  p.  62.  Thus  Americans  are  to  be 
treated,  for  an  attempt  only  to  do,  what  is  their  duty  as  soon 
as  possible  to  effect,  and  what  no  power  on  earth  can  re 
strain,  without  violating  the  laws  of  God  and  nature. 

f  1  -ords'  Prot.  vol.  ii.  p.  29 1, 1766.  By  the  Lords  who  enter 
ed  their  protest  against  the  repeal  of  the  American  stamp-acti 

57 


450 

jour  country  with  the  most  terrible  of  all  evils, — 
universal  corruption,  and  a  military  government.  * 
The  reigns  of  past  and  present  great  monarchs, 
when  compared,  often  present  a  striking  simili 
tude.  The  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  having 
exalted  the  royal  prerogative  (or  the  influence  of 
the  crown)  on  the  ruins  of  the  privileges  of  the 
Castilians,  allowed  the  name  of  the  Cortes  (or 
the  Parliament)  to  remain;  and  the  formality  of 
holding  it  thus  continued,  he  reduced  its  author 
ity  and  jurisdiction  to  nothing,  and  modelled  it  in 
such  a  manner,  that  "  it  became,"  says  Dr  Rob 
ertson,  "  rather  a  junto  of  the  servants  of  tha 

*  Englishmen  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Fourth  had  the 
virtue  and  courage  to  "  declare  it  in  Parliament  as  the  un 
doubted  right  of  the  kingdom,  not  to  be  charged  with  aught 
for  the  defence  of  the  realm,  or  safeguard  of  the  seas,  but  by 
their  own  will  and  consent  in  Parliament."  The  Rights  of 
the  Kingdom,  p.  146,  edit.  1682.  Had  Britons  in  the  age  of 
Geo.  III.  been  as  considerate  of  the  spirit  of  their  laws  and 
constitution,  or  attentive  to  that  old  rule,— to  do  as  you  would 
be  done  by,— they  would  not  have  charged  America  with  a 
large  revenue  for  "  the  subsistence  of  troops,  and  military  ex 
penses,"  without  consulting  its  local  Parliament,  and  against 
the  will  of  its  Commons  ;  more  especially  since  it  was  the 
position  of  that  able,  though  most  arbitrary  prince,  Edward  the 
First  of  England,  touching  martial  affairs,— Quod  omnes  tangit, 
ah  omnibus  approbctur. 


451 

crown,  than  an  assembly  of  the  representatives  of 
the  people."*  The  success  of  Charles  in  abol 
ishing  the  privileges  of  the  Commons,  and  in 
breaking  the  power  of  the  nobles  of  Castile, 
encouraged  an  invasion  of  the  liberties  of  Arra- 
gon,  which  wrere  yet  more  extensive. 

Attend,  Americans  !  reflect  on  the  situation  of 
your  mother  country,  and  consider  the  late  con 
duct  of  your  brethren  in  Britain  towards  this 
continent.  "  The  Castilians  (once  high-spirited 
and  brave  in  the  cause  of  freedom)  accustomed  to 
subjection  themselves,  assisted,"  says  the  same 
illustrious  historian,  "  in  imposing  the  yoke  on 
their  more  happy  and  independent  neighbours."! 
Hath  not  Britain  (fallen  from  her  pristine  free 
dom  and  glory)  treated  America,  as  Castile  did 
Arragon  ?  Have  not  Britons  imposed  on  our 
necks  the  same  yoke  which  the  Castilians  impos 
ed  on  the  happy  Arragonese  ?  Yes  !  I  speak  it 
with  grief, — I  speak  it  with  anguish, — Britons 
are  our  oppressors  :  I  speak  it  with  shame, — I 
speak  it  with  indignation, — ice  are  slaves. 

As  force  first  fixes  the    chains  of  vassalage,  so 
cowardice  restrains  an  enslaved  people  from  burst- 

*  Hist,  of  Charles  V.  vol.  iii.  p.  434.  t  Ib. 


452 

ing  asunder  their  bonds.  But  the  case  perhaps 
is  not  desperate  till  the  yoke  has  been  so  long 
borne,  that  the  understanding  and  the  spirits  of 
the  people  are  sunk  into  ignorance  and  barbarism, 
supincness  and  perfect  inactivity.  Such,  I  yet 
trust,  is  not  the  deplorable  state  of  the  land  of 
my  nativity.  How  soon  it  may  be — we  shall 
tremble,  when  we  reflect  that  the  progress  of 
thraldom  is  secret,  and  its  effects  incredibly  rapid 
and  dreadful.*  Hence  we  see  nations,  once  the 
freest  and  most  high-spirited  in  Europe,  abject  in 
the  most  humiliating  condition.  The  oath  of  al 
legiance  to  their  king  exhibits  the  true  standard 
of  all  just  subjection  to  government,  and  testifies 
a  genuine  sense  and  spirit.  "  We  who  are  each 
of  us  as  good,  and  who  are  altogether  more  pow 
erful  than  you,  promise  obedience  to  your  gov 
ernment,  if  you  maintain  our  rights  and  liberties  ; 
if  not,  not."f  When  a  people,  endowed  with 
such  understanding,  sentiments,  and  virtue,  have 
fallen  into  a  disgraceful  vassalage, — what  have 
we  in  this  land,  at  this  time,  reason  to  fear  ? 

*  "  The  loss  of  liberty,"  says  that  sagacious  politician,  Taci 
tus,  "is  ever  accompanied  with  the  loss  of  spirit  and  magna 
nimity."  Vita  Agric. 

t  Dr  Robertson's  Hist.  Charles  V.  vol.  i.  p.  153. 


453 

The  same  Athenians,  who  insulted  and  bid  defi 
ance  to  a  Philip  of  Macedon,  crouched  and  cower 
ed  at  the  feet  of  an  Alexander.  Romans,  who 
with  righteous  indignation  expelled  royalty  and 
the  Tarquins,  bore  with  infamy  and  shame  the 
ravages  of  succeeding  kings  and  emperors.  Eng 
lishmen,  who  rose  with  a  divine  enthusiasm  against 
the  first  Charles,  disgracefully  submitted  to  the 
usurpation  of  a  Cromwell,  and  then  with  unex 
ampled  folly  and  madness  restored  that  odious 
and  execrable  race  of  tyrants,  the  house  of  Stew 
art.  Examples  like  these,  ought  to  excite  the 
deepest  concern; — at  this  day,  they  ought  to  do 
more. — to  inspire  fortitude  and  action. 

Providence  from  the  beginning  hath  exercised 
this  country  with  singular  trials.  In  the  earliest 
periods  of  our  history,  New  England  is  seen  sur 
rounded  with  adversaries,  and  alternately  vexed 
with  foes,  foreign  and  domestic.  Fierce  as  her 
enemies  were  from  abroad,  and  savage  as  the 
natives  of  America  were  within, — her  worst  en 
emies  will  be  found  those  of  her  own  household. 

Our  fathers  "  left  their  native  country  with 
the  strongest  assurance  that  they,  and  their  poster 
ity  should  enjoy  the  privileges  of  free,  natural- 


454 

born  English  subjects."  *  Depending  upon  these 
assurances,  they  sustained  hardships  scarcely  par 
alleled  in  the  annals  of  the  world,  f  Yet  com 
passion,  natural  to  the  human  breast,  did  not 
restrain  internal  foes  from  involving  them  in  new- 
calamities  ;  nor  did  that  disgrace  and  contempt, 
WThich  suddenly  fell  upon  the  conspirators,  damp 
the  ardour  of  their  malignity. 

So  early  as  1(333  (not  fourteen  years  after  the 
first  arrival  at  Plymouth),  "  the  new  settlers  were 
in  perils  from  their  own  countrymen."  f  In  this, 
the  infant  state  of  the  country,  while  exposed 
to  innumerable  hardships,  vexed  with  hostilities 
from  Europe,  and  the  depredations  of  savages, 
there  existed  men,  who  "beheld  the  Massachusetts 
with  an  envious  eye."^  The  characteristics  of 
the  first  conspirators  against  this  province  were 
secrecy  and  industry  :  they  had  effected  the  mis 
chief  before  the  people  knew  of  their  danger. 
Morton  in  his  letter  to  Jeffreys  of  the  first  of  May, 
1634,  writes  that  "the  Massachusetts  patent,  by 
an  order  of  Council,  was  brought  in  view,  and  the 

*  See  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  i.  pref.  p.  4. 

t  See  same  Hist.  p.  19,  45.     Appendix,  p.  538. 

|  Same  Hist.  p.  31. 

§  II).  p.  31. 


455 

privileges  well  scanned."*  But  by  whom?  very 
like  some  of  more  modern  fame  :  an  archbishop, 
and  the  privy  council  of  Charles  the  First ! 
Excellent  assay-masters  for  New-England  privi 
leges, — most  renowned  judges  of  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  mankind !  They  first  discover  the 
Charter  "  to  be  void,"t  and  then  no  doubt  ad 
vise  to  the  issuing  of  the  commission  found  by 
my  Lord  Barrington  in  the  3Jst  volume  of  Mr 
Petyt's  Manuscript, — "  a  commission  directed  to 
the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Lord  Chancel 
lor,  and  other  Lords  of  the  privy  council,  by  which 
they  are  empowered  to  prepare  laws  for  the  bet 
ter  government  of  the  colonies,"  "  which  were 
afterwards  to  be  enforced  by  the  king's  procla 
mation."  J 

This  was  considered  as  a  master-stroke  of  poli 
cy,  and  the  public  conspirators  of  the  day  dis 
played  the  plumage  of  triumph  with  that  spirit 
and  ostentation,  §  which  have  descended  to  their 
successors.  But  how  easy  is  it  with  Providence, 
to  disappoint  the  projects  and  humble  the  pride 
of  man !  Laud  and  his  master,  in  the  subse- 

*  Hutch,  vol.  i.  p.  31.  f  Same  page. 

JBarr.  Obs.  on  the  more  Anc.  Statutes,  p.  146,note. 
§  See  Morton's  Let.  before  cited. 


456 

quent  periods  of  history,  are  found  too  busied 
with  their  own  concerns,  to  attend  much  to 
those  of  others.  Hence  this  extraordinary  com 
mission  was  never  executed,  and  the  plan  set 
on  foot  within  three  years  after,  "  for  revoking 
the  patent  of  the  Massachusetts,"  *  proved  abor 
tive.  Literary  correspondences  inimical  to  the 
province,  commenced  with  Archbishop  Laud,f  in 
1638.}  But  in  the  pious  language  of  our  fath 
ers,  "  the  Lord  delivered  them  from  the  op 
pressor  ;"^  "  against  all  men's  expectations  they 
were  encouraged,  and  much  blame  and  disgrace 
fell  upon  their  adversaries."  ||  Yet  notwithstand 
ing,  "  a  spirit  full  of  malignity  against  the  coun 
try  (not  very  long  after)  much  endangered  both 
its  civil  and  religious  liberties."  II 

*  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  48,  51. 

tLaud  was  the  favourite  character  selected  for  a  corres 
pondent  by  the  American  letter-writers  of  the  last  century  ; 
in  the  next  age  mankind  will  be  as  well  acquainted  with  the 
genius  and  spirit  of  some  more  modern  British  correspond 
ents,  as  they  now  are  with  the  temper  of  that  renowned 
prelate. 

J  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  86.     §  Morton's  Memo.  p.  15. 

||  Same  book,  p.  35.  See  also,  Collect,  of  Orig.  Papers. 
&c.  p.  52.  fl  Morton's  Memo.  p.  96,  187. 


457 

More  than  a  century  ago,  "  the  great  privi 
leges  of  New  England  were  matter  of  envy,"* 
and  accordingly  complaints  multiplied  to  Crom 
well,  f  no  doubt  for  the  benevolent  purpose  of 
abridging  what  were  called  English  liberties. 
"  All  attempts  to  the  prejudice  of  the  colony  be 
ing  to  no  purpose  "  t  with  the  Protector,  the  ad 
versaries  of  the  province  were  despondent,  until 
the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second  gave  new 
hopes;  when  "  petitions  and  complaints  were  pre 
ferred  against  the  colony  to  the  king  in  council, 
and  to  the  Parliament."  § 

"  False  friends  and  open  enemies  "  now  became 
the  terror  of  the  country,  ||  while  new  foes  brought 
new  charges  to  render  it  obnoxious.  H  "  The  great 
men  and  natives  of  the  country  made  their  com 
plaints  also  to  the  king."**  The  consequences 
were  such  as  might  be  expected.  "  Four  persons 
were  sent  over  from  England,  one  of  them  the 


*  Hutch.  Hist.  p.  194.  t  Ib.  p.  192,  194. 

rib.  p.  194.  §Ib.  p.  211.  ||  Ib.  p.  220. 

fl  Ib.  p.  224,  225. 

'*  Appen.  to  Hutch.  Hist.  No.  15.  Another  native  of  New 
England,  as  we  have  seen,  about  the  year  1705,  wrote  to  En 
gland,  that  i;  this  country  would  never  be  worth  living  in  for 
lawyors  and  gentlemen,  until  the  charter  was  taken  away.*' 

58 


458 

known  and  professed  enemy  of  the  country,  with 
such  extraordinary  powers,  that  our  ancestors 
with  grief  complain  they  were  to  be  subjected  to 
the  arbitrary  power  of  strangers  proceeding  not  by 
any  established  law,  but  by  their  own  discretion." 
— How  astonishingly  uniform,  how  cruelly  con 
sistent  has  been  the  conduct  of  Britain  from  that 
day  to  the  present ! 

Amid  all  these  severe  trials,  the  inhabitants  of 
New  England  conducted  with  a  virtue  and  piety 
worthy  remembrance  and  imitation.  "  They 
appealed  to  God, — they  came  not  into  this  wilder 
ness  to  seek  great  things  for  themselves,  but  for 
the  sake  of  a  poor  and  quiet  life  ;  " — they  testi 
fied  to  their  sovereign,  that  "  their  liberties  were 
dearer  to  them  than  their  lives."!  "  Evil-minded 
men  continue,  however,  to  misrepresent  them,"  J 
and  what  is  almost  incredible,  "  the  distresses 
of  the  colony,  during  a  war  which  excited  com 
passion  in  some,  yet  these  very  distresses  were 
improved  by  others  to  render  the  colony  more 
obnoxious."^ 

*  Hutch.  Hist.  p.  232. 

t  Ib.  p.  232,  233.     Appen.  No.  16,  p.  542. 

t  Hutch.  Hist.  p.  242,  243.         §  Ib.  p.  308,  anno  1676. 


459 

Although  "  this  is  certain,  that  as  the  colony 
was  at  first  settled,  so  it  was  preserved  from  ruin 
without  any  charge  to  the  mother  country ;  '' 
yet  "  in  the  height  of  the  distress  of  war,  and 
whilst  the  authority  of  the  colony  was  contend 
ing  with  the  natives  for  the  possession  of  the 
soil,  complaints  were  making  in  England  which 
struck  at  the  powers  of  government."  t  With 
what  ferocity  have  Americans  been  pursued  from 
the  earliest  times  ?  That  demon  of  malevo 
lence,  which  went  forth  at  the  beginning,  still 
spirits  up  our  adversaries  and  persecutes  the  coun 
try  with  unabated  malice. 

"  Randolph,  who,  the  people  of  New  England 
said,  went  up  and  down  seeking  to  devour  them,"  t 

*  Hutch.  Hist.  p.  310.  See  also,  in  confirmation  of  the 
above,  same  Hist.  93—114.  Vol.  ii.  p.  ISO,  204. 

f  Ib.  310,  311.  "The  dominion  of  the  crown  over  this 
country  before  the  arrival  of  our  predecessors,  was  merely 
ideal.  Their  removal  hither  realized  that  dominion,  and  has 
made  the  country  valuable  both  to  the  crown  and  nation, 
without  any  cost  to  either  of  them,  from  that  time  to  this. 
Even  in  the  most  distressed  state  of  our  predecessors,  when 
they  expected  to  be  destroyed  by  a  general  conspiracy  and 
incursion  of  the  Indian  natives,  they  had  no  assistance  from 
them/'  The  Answer  of  the  Council  of  the  Province  to 
Governor  Hutcbinson's  Speech,  25th  of  Jan.  1773. 

|  Hutch.  Hist.  p.  319. 


460 

was  the  next  active  emissary  against  the  province. 
"He  was  incessant  and  open  in  endeavouring  the 
alteration  of  the  constitution."*  In  his  open  en 
mity,  he  appears  far  less  odious  than  those  who 
have  been  equally  inimical  and  equally  indefati 
gable  to  the  same  purpose,  with  more  cowardice, 
dissimulation,  and  hypocrisy.  Eight  voyages 
were  made  across  the  Atlantic  in  the  course  of 
nine  years  by  this  inveterate  spirit,  with  hostile 
intentions  to  the  government.!  Nor  will  it  be 
surprising  to  find  him  thus  expose  his  life  upon 
the  ocean,  \vhen  such  services  acquired  <;  new- 
powers."  J  Have  we  not  seen,  in  our  own  day, 
a  similar  policy  adopted,  and  the  same  object  op 
erating  as  a  motive  to  the  like  execrable  conduct  ? 
Such  has  been  the  strange,  though  unhappily  con 
sistent,  conduct  of  our  mother  country,  that  she 
has  laid  temptations,  and  given  rewards  and  sti 
pends  to  those,  who  have  slandered  and  betrayed 
her  own  children.  Incited  probably  by  the  same 
motive,  Cranfield  rose  up  as  in  a  league  with 
Randolph,  and  "  infamously  represented  the  colo 
ny  as  rogues  and  rebels. "§ 


*  Hutch.  Hist.  p.  335,  336. 

f  Ib.  p.  329.  t  Ib.  p.  329.  §  Ib.  j).  337. 


461 

Libels  and  conspiracies  of  this  nature  called  for 
the  interposition  of  authority  :  express  laws  were 
enacted  for  the  prevention  of  like  treasonable 
practices  for  the  future  ;  and  death  being  deemed 
the  proper  punishment  for  an  enemy  to  his  coun 
try,  traitors  to  the  constitution  were  to  suffer  that 
penalty.  Thus  a  "conspiracy  to  invade  the  com 
monwealth,  or  any  treacherous  attempt  to  alter 
and  subvert  fundamentally  the  frame  of  polity 
and  government,  was  made  a  capital  offence."  * 

Did  our  laws  now  contain  a  like  provision,  pub 
lic  conspirators  and  elevated  parricides  would 
tremble  for  their  heads,  who  do  not  shudder  at 
the  enormity  of  their  crimes.  There  are  charac 
ters  in  society  so  devoid  of  virtue  and  endued  with 
ferocity,  that  nothing  but  sanguinary  laws  can  re 
strain  their  wickedness.  Even  the  distress  and 
cries  of  their  native  country  excite  no  compassion  : 
reverence  for  fathers,  and  affection  for  children, 
cause  no  reluctance  at  measures  which  stain  the 
glorious  lineage  of  their  ancestors  with  infamy, 
and  blast  their  spreading  progeny  with  oppression. 
That  emanation  from  the  deity  which  creates 
them  intelligents,  seems  to  cease  its  operation  ;  and 


*  Hutch.  Hist.  p.  442. 


462 

the  tremendous  idea  of  a  God   and  futurity,  ex 
cites  neither  repentance  nor  reformation. 

Thus,  my  countrymen,  from  the  days  of  Gar 
diner  and  Morton,*  Gorges  and  Mason, f  Ran 
dolph  and  Cranfield,!  down  to  the  present  day, 
the  inhabitants  of  this  Northern  region  have  con 
stantly  been  in  danger  and  troubles  from  foes  open 
and  secret,  abroad  and  in  their  bosom.  Our  free 
dom  has  been  the  object  of  envy,  and  to  make 
void  the  charter  of  our  liberties  the  work  and 
labour  of  an  undirninished  race  of  villains.  One 
cabal  having  failed  of  success,  new  conspirators 
have  risen,  and  what  the  first  could  not  make 
"  void,"  the  next  "  humbly  desired  to  revoke."  ^ 
To  this  purpose  one  falsehood  after  another  hath 
been  fabricated  and  spread  abroad  with  equal  tur 
pitude  and  equal  effrontery.  That  minute  detail 
which  would  present  actors  now  on  the  stage,  is 
the  province  of  history.  She,  inexorably  severe 
towards  the  eminently  guilty,  will  delineate  their 
characters  with  the  point  of  a  diamond  ; — and 
thus  blazoned  in  the  face  of  day,  the  abhorrence 


*  Hutch.  Hist.  p.  31,  32,  anno  1632. 

fib.  p.  51,  anno  1636. 

|  Ib.  p.  337.     And  Collec.  of  Orig.  Papers.  £c.  p.  477 

$Ib.  p.  31,  32,  35. 


463 

and  execrations  of  mankind  will  consign  them  to 
an  infamous  immortality. 

So  great  has  been  the  credulity  of  the  British 
Court,  from  the  beginning,  or  such  hath  been  the 
activity  of  false  brethren,  that  no  tale  inimical  to 
the  Northern  Colonies,  however  false  or  absurd, 
but  what  hath  found  credit  with  administration, 
and  operated  to  the  prejudice  of  the  country. 
Thus  it  was  told,  and  believed  in  England,  that 
we  were  not  in  earnest  in  the  expedition  against 
Canada  at  the  beginning  of  this  century,  and  that 
the  country  did  every  thing  in  its  power  to  defeat 
the  success  of  it,  and  that  the  misfortune  of  that 
attempt  ought  to  be  wholly  attributed  to  the 
northern  colonies.  While  nothing  could  be  more 
obvious,  than  that  New  England  had  exhausted 
her  youngest  blood  and  all  her  treasures  in  the 
undertaking  ;  and  that  every  motive  of  self-preser 
vation,  happiness,  and  safety  must  have  operated 
to  excite  these  provinces  to  the  most  spirited  and 
persevering  measures  against  Canada.* 

The  people  who  are  attacked  by  bad  men  have 
a  testimony  of  their  merit,  as  the  constitution 
which  is  invaded  by  powerful  men,  hath  an  evi- 

*  See  Jer.  Dummer's  Letter  to  a  Noble  Lord,  edit.  1712. 
p.  12,  13,  &c. 


464 

dence  of  its    value.      The  path  of  our  duty  needs 
no   minute    delineation  ; — it  lies  level  to  the  eye. 
Let  us  apply  then  like  men  sensible  of  its  impor 
tance  and  determined  on  its  fulfilment.      The  in 
roads  upon  our  public  liberty  call   for  reparation  ; 
the  wrongs   we    have  sustained,    call    for  justice. 
That  reparation,  and  that  justice,  may  yet  be  ob 
tained  by  union,  spirit,  and  firmness.     But  to  di 
vide  and  conquer,  was  the  maxim   of  the  devil  in 
the  garden  of  Eden  ;  arid  to  disunite  and  enslave 
hath   been  the  principle   of  all  his  votaries   from 
that  period   to  the  present.      The   crimes   of  the 
guilty  are  to   them  the   cords  of  association,  and 
dread    of  punishment,    the    indissoluble    bond    of 
union.        The    combinations    of    public     robbers 
ought,  therefore,    to  cement   patriots   and  heroes  : 
and  as  the   former  plot  and  conspire  to  undermine 
and  destroy  the  commonwealth,  the  latter  ought 
to  form  a  compact  for  opposition, — a  band  of  ven 
geance. 

What  insidious  arts,  and  what  detestable  practi 
ces  have  been  used  to  deceive,  disunite,  and  en 
slave  the  good  people  of  this  continent  ?  The 
mystical  appellations  of  loyalty  and  allegiance,  the 
venerable  names  of  government  and  good  order, 
and  the  sacred  ones  of  piety  and  public  virtue,  have 


465 

been  alternately  prostituted  to  that  abominable 
purpose.  All  the  windings  and  guises,  subterfuges 
and  doublings,  of  which  the  human  soul  is  sus 
ceptible,  have  been  displayed  on  the  occasion. 
But  secrets  which  were  thought  impenetrable  are 
no  longer  hid ;  characters  deeply  disguised  are 
openly  revealed  :  the  discovery  of  gross  impostors 
hath  generally  preceded,  but  a  short  time,  their 
utter  extirpation. 

Be  not  again,  my  countrymen,  "  easily  captivat 
ed  with  the  appearances  only  of  wisdom  and  piety 
— professions  of  a  regard  to  liberty  and  of  a  strong 
attachment  to  the  public  interest."*  Your  fathers 
have  been  explicitly  charged  with  this  folly  by 
one  of  their  posterity.  Avoid  this  and  all  similar 
errors.  Be  cautious  against  the  deception  of  ap 
pearances.  "  By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them," 
was  the  saying  of  one  who  perfectly  knew  the  hu 
man  heart.  Judge  of  affairs  which  concern  social 
happiness  by  facts  : — judge  of  man  by  his  deeds. 
For  it  is  very  certain,  that  pious  zeal  for  days  and 
times,  for  mint  and  cummin,  hath  often  been  pre 
tended  by  those  who  were  infidels  at  bottom  ;  and 
it  is  as  certain,  that  attachment  to  the  dignity  of 

*  Hutch.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  53. 

59 


466 

government,  and  the  King's  service,  hath  often 
flowed  from  the  mouths  of  men  who  harboured 
the  darkest  machinations  against  the  true  end  of 
the  former,  and  were  destitute  of  every  right  prin 
ciple  of  loyalty  to  the  latter.  Hence,  then,  care 
and  circumspection  are  necessary  branches  of  po 
litical  duty.  And  as  u  it  is  much  easier  to  re 
strain  liberty  from  running  into  licentiousness, 
than  power  from  swelling  into  tyranny  and  op 
pression,  "  *  so  much  more  caution  and  resistance 
are  required  against  the  overbearing  of  rulers, 
than  the  extravagance  of  the  people. 

To  give  no  more  authority  to  any  order  of  state, 
and  to  place  no  greater  public  confidence  in  any 
man,  than  is  necessary  for  the  general  welfare, 
may  be  considered  by  the  people  as  an  important 
point  of  policy.  But  though  craft  and  hypocrisy 
are  prevalent,  yet  piety  and  virtue  have  a  real  ex 
istence  :  duplicity  and  political  imposture  abound, 
yet  benevolence  and  public  spirit  are  not  altogeth 
er  banished  the  world.  As  wolves  will  appear  in 
sheep's  clothing,  so  superlative  knaves  and  parri 
cides  will  assume  the  vesture  of  the  man  of  virtue 
and  patriotism. 

*  Lords7  Prot.  p.  141,  anno  1736. 


467 

These  things  are  permitted  by  providence,  no 
doubt,  for  wise  and  good  reasons.  Man  was  cre 
ated  a  rational,  and  was  designed  for  an  active  be 
ing.  His  faculties  of  intelligence  and  force  were 
given  him  for  use.  When  the  wolf,  therefore,  is 
found  devouring  the  flock,  no  hierarchy  forbids  a 
seizure  of  the  victim  for  sacrifice  ;  so  also,  when 
dignified  impostors  are  caught  destroying  those 
whom  their  arts  deceived  and  their  stations  destin 
ed  them  to  protect, — the  sabre  of  justice  flashes 
righteousness  at  the  stroke  of  execution. 

Yet  be  not  amused,  rny  countrymen ! — the  ex 
tirpation  of  bondage,  and  the  reestablishment  of 
freedom,  are  not  of  easy  acquisition.  The  worst 
passions  of  the  human  heart,  and  the  most  subtle 
projects  of  the  human  mind,  are  leagued  against 
you  ;  and  principalities  and  powers  have  acceded 
to  the  combination.  Trials  and  conflicts  you 
must,  therefore,  endure  ; — hazards  and  jeopardies 
— of  life  and  fortune — will  attend  the  struggle. 
Such  is  the  fate  of  all  noble  exertions  for  public 
liberty  and  social  happiness.  Enter  not  the  lists 
without  thought  and  consideration,  lest  you  arm 
with  timidity  and  combat  with  irresolution. 
Having  engaged  in  the  conflict,  let  nothing  dis 
courage  your  vigour,  or  repel  your  perseverance. 


468 

Remember  that  submission  to  the  yoke  of  bond 
age  is  the  worst  that  can  befall  a  people  after  the 
most  fierce  and  unsuccessful  resistance.  What  can 
the  misfortunes  of  vanquishment  take  away,  which 
despotism  and  rapine  would  spare  ?  "  It  had  been 
easy,"  said  the  great  lawgiver,  Solon,  to  the  Athe 
nians,*  "to  repress  the  advances  of  tyranny,  and 
prevent  its  establishment ;  but  now  it  is  estab 
lished  and  grown  to  some  height,  it  would  be  more 
glorious  to  demolish  it."  But  nothing  glorious  is 
accomplished,  nothing  great  is  attained,  nothing 
valuable  is  secured,  without  magnanimity  of  mind 
and  devotion  of  heart  to  the  service.  Brutus-like, 
therefore,  dedicate  yourselves  at  this  day  to  the 
service  of  your  country  ;  and  henceforth  live  a 
life  of  liberty  and  glory.  "  On  the  ides  of 
March,"  said  the  great  and  good  man  to  his  friend 
Cassius,  just  before  the  battle  of  Philippi, — "  on 
the  ides  of  March  I  devoted  my  life  to  my  country, 
and  since  that  time,  I  have  lived  a  life  of  liberty 
and  glory." 

Inspired  with  public  virtue,  touched  with  the 
wrongs  and  indignant  at  the  insults  offered  his 
country,  the  high-spirited  Cassius  exhibits  an  he- 

*  Plut.  Life  of  Solon. 


469 

roic  example  : — "  Resolved  as  we  are,"  replied 
the  hero  to  his  friend, — "  resolved  as  we  are,  let  us 
march  against  the  enemy ;  for  though  wre  should 
not  conquer,  we  have  nothing  to  fear.* 

Spirits  and  genii,  like  these,  rose  in  Rome — 
and  have  since  adorned  Britain  :  such  also  will  one 
day  make  glorious  this  more  western  world. 
America  hath  in  store  her  Bruti  and  Cassii — her 
Hampdens  and  Sydneys — patriots  and  heroes, 
who  will  form  a  band  of  brothers  : — men  who  will 
have  memories  and  feelings — courage  and  swords  : 
— courage  that  shall  inflame  their  ardent  bosoms, 
till  their  hands  cleave  to  their  swords — and  their 
swords  to  their  enemies'  hearts. 


The  author  has  felt  exquisitely  while  writing  upon  the  subjects  of  his 
consideration  ;  and  the  multitude  and  perplexity  of  his  private  business 
have  denied  him  sufficient  time  to  revise  this  publication.  Under  these 
circumstances,  and  being  also  several  years  on  this  side  of  the  meridian 
of  the  age  of  man,  there  will  be  found,  no  doubt,  many  indiscretions  and 
faults  for  those  of  riper  years  and  cooler  judgment  to  correct  and  cen 
sure. — The  great  Lord  Chancellor  Bacon  hath  told  us  of  wise  legislators, 
who  have  made  their  la\v  upon  the  spur  of  the  occasion  : — a  good  citi 
zen,  deeply  pricked  by  the  spur  of  the  times,  is  very  apt  to  start  with  an 
over-hasty  speed.  The  only  excuse  of  the  writer  is,  that  as  he  at  first 
assumed  his  pen  from  the  impulses  of  his  conscience,  so  he  now  pub 
lishes  his  sentiments  from  a  sense  of  duty  to  God  and  his  country. 


*  Pint.  Life  of  Brutus. 


APPENDIX. 


Extract  from  the  "  Memoirs  of  Benjamin  Franklin, 
written  by  himself. " 

"In  1755,  war  being  in  a  manner  commenced 
with  France,  the  government  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  projected  an  attack  upon  Crown  Point,  and 
sent  Mr  Quincy  to  Pennsylvania,  and  Mr  Pownall 
(afterwards  Governor  Pownall)  to  New  York  to 
solicit  assistance.  As  I  was  in  the  assembly, 
knew  its  temper,  and  was  Mr  Quincy's  country 
man,  he  applied  to  me  for  my  influence  and  as 
sistance  :  I  dictated  his  address  to  them,  which 
was  well  received.  They  voted  an  aid  of  ten 
thousand  pounds  to  be  laid  out  in  provisions.  But 
the  Governor  refusing  his  assent  to  their  bill 
(which  included  this  with  other  sums  granted  for 
the  use  of  the  crown),  unless  a  clause  were  inserted 
exempting  the  proprietary  estate  from  bearing  any 
part  of  the  tax  that  would  be  necessary  ;  the  as 
sembly,  though  very  desirous  of  making  their  grant 


472 

to  New  England  effectual,  were  at  a  loss  how  to 
accomplish  it.  Mr  Quincy  laboured  hard  with 
the  Governor  to  obtain  his  assent,  but  he  was  ob 
stinate.  I  then  suggested  a  method  of  doing  the 
business  without  the  Governor,  by  orders  on  the 
trustees  of  the  loan  office,  which,  by  law,  the  as 
sembly  had  the  right  of  drawing.  There  was  in 
deed  little  or  no  money  at  the  time  in  the  office, 
and  therefore  I  proposed  that  the  orders  should  be 
payable  in  a  year,  and  to  bear  an  interest  of  five 
per  cent.  :  with  these  orders  I  supposed  the  provi 
sions  might  be  easily  purchased.  The  assembly 
with  very  little  hesitation  adopted  the  proposal, 
the  orders  were  immediately  printed,  and  I  \vas 
one  of  the  committee  directed  to  sign  and  dispose 
of  them.  The  fund  for  paying  them  was  the  in 
terest  of  all  the  paper  currency  then  extant  in 
the  province  upon  loan,  together  with  the  revenue 
arising  from  the  excise  ;  which  being  known  to 
be  more  than  sufficient,  they  obtained  credit,  and 
were  not  only  taken  in  payment  for  the  provisions, 
but  many  monied  people,  who  had  cash  lying  by 
them,  vested  it  in  those  orders,  which  they  found 
advantageous,  as  they  bore  interest  while  upon 
hand,  and  might  on  any  occasion  be  used  as 
money.  So  that  they  were  all  eagerly  bought 


473 

up,  and  in  a  few  weeks  none  of  them  were  to  be 
seen.  Thus  this  important  affair  was  by  this 
means  completed.  Mr  Quincy  returned  thanks  to 
the  assembly  in  a  handsome  memorial,  went  home 
highly  pleased  with  the  success  of  his  embassy, 
and  ever  after  bore  for  me  the  most  cordial  and 
affectionate  friendship." 


Dr  Franklin  to  Josiah  Quincy. 

London,  April  8,  1701. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  received  your  very  obliging  letter  of  Dec. 
25,  by  the  hand  of  your  valuable  son,*  who  had 
before  favoured  me  now  and  then  with  a  kind 
visit.  I  congratulate  you  on  his  account,  as  I 
am  sure  you  must  have  a  great  deal  of  satisfaction 
in  him.  His  ingenuous,  manly,  and  generous  be 
haviour  in  a  transaction  here  with  the  Society  of 
Arts,  gave  me  great  pleasure,  as  it  was  much  to 
his  reputation. 

I  am  glad  my  weak  endeavours  for  our  com 
mon  interest  were  acceptable  to  you  and  my 
American  friends;  I  shall  be  very  happy  indeed  if 
any  good  arises  from  them.  The  people  in  pow- 

*  Edmund  Quincy. 

60 


474 

er  here  do  now  seem  convinced  of  the  truth  of 
the  principles  I  have  inculcated,  and  incline  to 
act  upon  them ;  but  how  far  they  will  be  able 
to  do  so  at  a  peace,  is  still  uncertain,  especially  as 
the  war  in  Germany  grows  daily  less  favourable 
to  us.  My  kinsman,  Williams,  was  but  ill-inform 
ed  in  the  account  he  gave  you  of  my  situation  here. 
The  Assembly  voted  me  £1500  sterling,  when 
I  left  Philadelphia,  to  defray  the  expense  of  my 
voyage,  and  negotiations  in  England,  since  which 
they  have  given  nothing  more,  though  I  have  been 
here  near  four  years.  They  will,  I  make  no 
doubt,  on  winding  up  the  affair,  do  what  is  just, 
but  they  cannot  afford  to  be  extravagant,  as  that 
report  would  make  them. 

Pray  make  my  best   respects   acceptable   to  your 
amiable  family,  and  do  me  the  justice  to   believe 
that  no  one  more  sincerely  wishes  a   continuance 
of  your  happiness,  than, 
Dear  friend, 

Yours  most  affectionately, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


475 


Thomas  Hollis  Esq.  to  Edmund  Quincy,  Boston. 

Pall  Mall,  October  1,  1766. 

Sir, 

I  beg  you  to  accept  my  best  acknowledg 
ments  for  a  long,  curious,  and  interesting  letter, 
dated  July  25th,  though  written  on  a  melancholy 
occasion,  and  for  other  matters  which  accompa 
nied  that  letter.  The  death  of  that  able,  good, 
public  man,  Dr  May  hew,  my  old  and  much  es 
teemed  friend,  has  grieved  me  excessively.  He 
seems  to  have  died  through  overstrain  of  applica 
tion  and  philanthropy.  I  pray  God  to  soften  the 
afflictions  of  his  widow,  that  accomplished,  excel 
lent  lady,  and  to  endue  her  with  fortitude  equal  to 
her  loss.  The  resolution  taken  by  her,  not  to 
publish  any  posthumous  works  of  his,  appears  to 
me  to  be  judicious. 

I  guess  not  distinctly  at  what  the  hint  thrown 
out  to  you  by  the  late  worthy  Doctor  alluded.  It 
is  true  I  honoured  and  valued  him  exceedingly, 
and  not  long  since  repeatedly  wrote  to  him,  that 
I  was  his  assured  friend  ;  which  he  would  have 
experienced,  particularly  in  case  he  had  been  or 
dered  here  on  the  stamp  act,  as  was  more  than 
once  whispered,  with  what  truth  I  know  not. 


476 

Not  a  book  has  been  sent  more  to  the  college 
at  Cambridge,  as  I  recollect,  through  request  or 
inclination  of  that  excellent  man,  for  he  made  no 
request  of  that  sort,  though  it  would  have  been 
complied  with  ;  nor  will  now  be  sent  less  that  he 
is  dead  ;  nor  did  he  or  any  one  know  in  any  de 
gree,  till  lately,  the  plan  adopted  by  me  in  regard 
to  books  intended  to  be  presented  to  that  college. 

I  confess  to  bear  affection  towards  the  people 
of  North  America;  those  of  Massachusetts,  and 
Boston  in  particular,  believing  them  to  be  a  good 
and  brave  people.  Long  may  they  continue  such, 
and  the  spirit  of  luxury,  now  consuming  us  to  the 
very  marrow  here  at  home,  kept  out  from  them  ! 
One  likeliest  means  to  that  end  will  be,  to  watch 
well  over  their  youth,  by  bestowing  on  them  a 
reasonable,  manly  education,  and  selecting  thereto 
the  wisest,  ablest,  most  accomplished  men,  that 
art  or  wealth  can  obtain  ;  for  nations  rise  and  fall 
by  individuals  not  by  numbers,  as  I  think  all  his 
tory  proveth.  With  ideas  of  this  kind  have  I 
worked  for  the  public  library  of  Cambridge  in 
New  England,  neither  caring  too  exactly  to  re 
member  how  the  last  best  library  in  all  America 
was  lost  there  ;  nor  sparing  towards  it  expense, 
labour,  or  time.  It  is  certain,  the  last  winter  I 


477 

passed  in  town,  against  inclination,  health,  and 
conveniencj,  on  account  of  the  stamp  act  ;  and 
this  summer  with  much  preceding  time — time, 
the  most  valuable  of  all  things, — on  account  of  that 
library.  If  any  good  hath  followed  from  this  pro 
cedure,  or  should  follow  from  it,  I  shall  be  con 
tent.  After  sustaining  a  thirteen  years'  un- 
remitted  campaign,  day,  week,  and  month,  year 
following  year,  successive  to  each  other  ;  altering, 
though  not  broken  in  constitution,  yet  verging,  it 
may  be  towards  a  Mayhew's  fate,  without  his 
magnanimity, — I  now  seek  relaxation  and  quiet  ; 
and  am  going  into  Dorsetshire,  where  I  have  some 
estate,  but  no  house,  the  ensuing  winter  or  spring, 
it  is  probable  to  settle  there.  ****** 

I  have  not  attended  the  meeting 
of  the  Society  instituted  for  promoting  "  Arts  and 
Commerce,"  in  the  Strand,  for  years  past,  some 
thing  having  happened  there,  which  made  me  deem 
it  right  to  keep  away.  But  every  other  service  in 
my  power  I  gladly  render  to  that  noble  society. 
The  article  relating  to  it  in  your  letter,  was  cop 
ied  and  sent  directly  to  Dr  Templeman. 
I  am  with  great  respect,  Sir, 

your  much  obliged  and 

most  obedient  servant, 
THOMAS  HOLLIS. 


478 
Dr  Franklin  to  Josiah  Quincy,  Braintree. 

London,  February  26,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, 

I   received,  and  perused   with  great   pleasure, 
the  letter  you  honoured  me  with,  by  your  amiable 
and  valuable  son.     I    thank   you   for   introducing 
me  to  the  acquaintance  of  a  person   so   deserving 
of  esteem  for   his   public   and  private  virtues.     I 
hope  for  your  sake,  and   that  of  his   friends   and 
country,  that  his   present  indisposition   may  wear 
off,  and  his   health    be  established.     His  coming 
over  has  been  of  great  service   to  our  cause,  and 
would  have  been  much  greater,  if  his  constitution 
would  have  borne  the  fatigues  of  being  more  fre 
quently    in  company.     He   can   acquaint  you   so 
fully  with   the  state  of  things  here,  that  my   en 
larging  upon  them  will   be  unnecessary.     I   most 
sincerely   wish  him   a  prosperous  voyage,  and  a 
happy  meeting  with  his  friends   and  family  ;  and 
to  you,  my  old  dear  friend,  and  the  rest  of  those 
you  love,  every  kind  of  felicity  ;  being,  with  the 
truest  esteem  and  affection, 
Yours, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


479 

P.  S.  Besides  that  the  air  of  this  city  is 
found  extremely  prejudicial  to  his  health,  all  our 
friends  here  are  of  opinion  that  your  son's  return 
at  this  time,  when  writing  is  so  inconvenient, 
may  be  of  singular  service. 


John  Adams  Esq.  to  Josiak  Quincy,  Braintree. 

Philadelphia,  July  29,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  had  yesterday  the  honour  of  your  letter  of 
July  the  eleventh,  and  I  feel  myself  much  obliged 
by  your  kind  attention  to  me  and  my  family,  but 
much  more,  by  your  care  for  the  public  safety, 
and  the  judicious  and  important  observations  you 
have  made.  Your  letters,  sir,  so  far  from  being 
"  a  burthen,"  I  consider  as  an  honour  to  me,  be 
sides  the  pleasure  and  instruction  they  afford  me. 
Believe  me,  sir,  nothing  is  of  more  importance 
to  me,  in  my  present  most  arduous  and  laborious 
employment,  than  a  constant  correspondence  with 
gentlemen  of  experience,  whose  characters  are 
known.  The  minutest  fact,  the  most  trivial 
event,  that  is  connected  with  the  great  American 
cause,  becomes  important  in  the  present  critical 
situation  of  affairs,  when  a  revolution  seems  to  be 


480 

in  the  designs  of  providence,  as  important  as  any 
that  ever  happened  in  the  affairs  of  mankind. 

We  jointly  lament  the  loss  of  a  Quincy,  and 
a  Warren  ;  two  characters  as  great  in  proportion 
to  their  age,  as  any  that  I  have  ever  known  in 
America.  Our  country  mourns  the  loss  of  both, 
and  sincerely  sympathizes  with  the  feelings  of  the 
mother  of  the  one,  and  the  father  of  the  other. 
They  were  both  my  intimate  friends,  with  whom 
I  lived  and  conversed,  with  pleasure  and  advan 
tage.  I  was  animated  by  them,  in  the  painful, 
dangerous  course  of  opposition  to  the  oppressions 
brought  upon  our  country,  and  the  loss  of  them 
has  wounded  me  too  deeply,  to  be  easily  healed. 
Duke  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori.  The  ways 
of  heaven  are  dark  and  intricate,  but  you  may 
remember  the  words,  which,  many  years  ago, 
you  and  I  fondly  admired,  and  which,  upon  many 
occasions,  I  have  found  advantage  in  recollecting. 

"  Why  should  I  grieve,  when  grieving  I  must  bear, 
And  take  with  guilt,  what  guiltless  I  might  share  ?" 

I  have  a  great  opinion  of  your  knowledge  and 
judgment  from  long  experience,  concerning  the 
channels  and  islands  in  Boston  harbour :  but  I 
confess  your  opinion  that  the  harbour  might  be 
blocked  up,  and  seamen  and  soldiers  made  pris- 


481 

oners,  at  discretion,  was  too  bold  and  enterprizing 
for  me,  who  am  not  very  apt  to  startle  at  a  dar 
ing  proposal ;  but  I  believe  I  may  safely  promise 
you  powder  enough,  in  a  little  time,  for  any  pur 
pose  whatever.  We  are  assured,  in  the  strongest 
manner,  of  saltpetre  and  powder  in  sufficient 
plenty  another  year,  of  our  own  make.  That 
both  are  made  in  this  city,  you  may  report  with 
confidence,  for  I  have  seen  both, — and  I  have 
seen  a  set  of  very  large  powder  works,  and  anoth 
er  of  saltpetre. 

I  hope,  sir,  wre  shall  never  see  a  total  stagna 
tion  of  commerce  for  any  length  of  time.  Neces 
sity  will  force  open  our  ports  ;  trade,  if  I  mistake 
not,  will  be  more  free  than  usual.  Your  friend, 
Dr  Franklin,  to  whom  I  read  your  letter,  and  who 
desires  his  kind  compliments  to  you,  has  been 
employed  in  directing  the  construction  of  row- 
gallies  for  this  city.  The  Committee  of  Safety 
for  this  province  have  ordered  twenty  of  them  to 
be  built ;  some  of  them  are  finished.  I  have  seen 
one  of  them  ;  it  has  twelve  oars  on  each  side. 
They  rowed  up  the  river  the  first  time,  four  miles 
in  an  hour,  against  a  tide  which  ran  down  four 
miles  an  hour.  The  congress  have  recommended 
to  the  colonies,  to  make  provision  for  the  defence 
Gl 


482 

of  their  navigation,  in  their  harbours,  rivers,  and 
on  their  seacoasts.  Of  a  floating  battery  I  have 
no  idea — am  glad  you  are  contriving  one. 

You  tell  me,  sir,  that  General  Lee  complained 
that  "  he  did  not  find  things  as  the  Massachusetts 
delegates  had  represented  them."  What  Gen 
eral  Lee  could  mean  by  this,  sir,  I  know  not. 
What  particular  he  found  different  from  the  repre 
sentation,  I  do  not  know ;  nor  do  I  know  which 
delegate  from  the  Massachusetts,  he  received  a 
mistaken  representation  from.  I  think  he  should 
have  been  particular,  that  he  might  not  have 
run  the  risk  of  doing  an  injury.  If  General  Lee 
should  do  injustice  to  two  of  the  Massachusetts 
delegates,  he  would  commit  ingratitude  at  the 
same  time  ;  for  to  two  of  them  he  certainly  owes 
his  promotion  in  the  American  army,  how  great  a 
hazard  soever  they  ran  in  agreeing  to  it.  I 
know  him  very  thoroughly,  I  think,  and  that  he 
will  do  great  service  in  our  army  at  the  begin 
ning  of  things,  by  forming  it  to  order,  skill, 
and  discipline.  But  we  shall  soon  have  officers 
enough.  *  *  *  *  Your  friend  and  humble 
servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 


483 


Gen.  Washington  to  Josiah  Quincy,  Braintree. 

Cambridge,  November  4,  1775. 

Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  31st  ult.  was  presented  to 
me  yesterday.  I  thank  you  (as  I  shall  do  every 
gentleman)  for  suggesting  any  measure,  which 
you  conceive  to  be  conducive  to  the  public  ser 
vice  ;  but  in  the  adoption  of  a  plan,  many  things 
are  to  be  considered  to  decide  upon  the  utility  of 
it.  In  the  one  proposed  by  you,  I  shall  not 
undertake  to  determine  whether  it  be  good,  or 
whether  it  be  bad  ;  but  thus  much  I  can  say,  that 
if  there  is  any  spot  upon  the  main,  which  has  an 
equal  command  of  the  ship-channel  to  Boston 
harbour  (and  give  me  leave  to  add  that  Point 
Alderton  is  not  without  its  advocates),  in  all  other 
respects  it  must  have  infinitely  the  preference  ; 
because  the  expense  of  so  many  batteries  as  you 
propose,  with  the  necessary  defences  to  secure  the 
channel,  the  communication,  ancl  a  retreat  in  the 
dernier  resort  from  the  east  end  of  Long  Island, 
are  capital  objections.  Not,  I  confess,  of  such 
importance  as  to  weigh  against  the  object  in  view, 
if  the  scheme  is  practicable.  But  what  signifies 
Long  Island,  Point  Alderton,  Dorchester,  &c., 


484 

while  we  are  in  a  manner  destitute  of  can 
non,  and  compelled  to  keep  the  little  powder  we 
have,  for  the  use  of  the  musketry.  The  knowl 
edge  of  this  fact  is  an  unanswerable  argument 

O 

against  every  place,  and  may  serve  to  account  for 
my  not  having  viewed  the  several  spots  which 
have  been  so  advantageously  spoken  of.  I  am 
not  without  intentions  of  making  them  a  visit,  and 
shall  assuredly  do  myself  the  honour  of  calling 
upon  you.  In  the  mean  while,  permit  me  to 
thank  you  most  cordially  for  your  polite  invita 
tion,  and  to  assure  you  that  I  am,  sir, 
Your  most  obedient 

Humble  servant, 
GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


James  Bowdoin  to  Josiah  Quincy,  Braintree. 

Middleborough,  January  29,  1776. 

Dear  Sir, 

After  looking  over  and  calculating  the  papers 

Mr came   about,  my  eyes,  and    a  pain   in 

my  breast  consequent  on  writing,  and  which  will 
oblige  me  to  throw  aside  the  pen  entirely,  would 
scarcely  permit  me  to  read,  much  less  to  attempt 
an  answer  to  your  very  friendly  letter  of  the 


485 

Your  obervations  on  the  friendships  of  this 
world  are  very  just ;  the  most  of  those  friend 
ships  are  mere  varnish,  and  quickly  end  in  disap 
pointment  ;  and  even  when  they  arc  sincere,  from 
the  transient  nature  of  earthly  felicity,  and  the 
accidents  humanity  is  heir  to,  they  can  be  but 
short-lived.  In  this,  as  in  every  thing  else,  the 
wisdom  of  our  beneficent  Creator  is  discernible  ; 
who,  intending  us  for  a  superior  state  of  exist 
ence,  is  disciplining  and  preparing  us  for  it,  by 
those  very  accidents  and  disappointments,  which, 
in  concurrence  with  other  things,  discover  to  us 
that  real  friendship  and  permanent  felicity  are  to 
be  expected  in  that  state  only.  Hence,  if  we 
suffer  not  a  wrayward  humour  or  false  expecta 
tions  to  misguide  us,  we  shall  be  induced  to  place 
our  hopes,  affections,  and  dependence  there,  upon 
objects  worthy  of  them  ;  but  primarily  and  super 
latively  on  that  Being,  whose  friendship,  like 
himself,  is  eternal  and  unchangeable  ;  and  who, 
by  the  mediation  of  our  blessed  Redeemer,  will 
completely  beatify  the  virtuous  expectants  of  his 
kingdom. 

In  the  mean  time,  notwithstanding  past  dis 
appointments,  we  should  endeavour  to  cultivate 
the  social,  friendly  principle  within  us,  the  cul- 


486 

culture  of  which  will  not  only  yield  a  present  sat 
isfaction,  but  form  a  habit,  which  will  introduce 
us  with  great  advantage,  to  the  acquaintance  and 
friendship  of  kindred  spirits  in  the  future  state. 
Good  habits  thus  induced  are  as  well  calculated 
to  introduce  us  to  such  an  acquaintance  there,  as 
polished  manners  into  good  company  here.  Both 
of  them  seem  to  be  the  effect  of  education, — of 
education  in  an  extended  sense,  including  the 
whole  of  our  progress  in  this  state.  Agreeably 
to  which  sense  this  world  may  be  considered  as 
a  great  school,  in  which  mankind  in  different 
classes  have  different  employments  assigned  them. 
Those  that  make  the  best,  or  any  proficiency,  will 
finally  be  honoured  with  the  approbation  of  the 
great  Preceptor,  who  will  distinguish  and  advance 
them,  according  to  their  respective  merits.  But 
the  greatest  proficient  will  then  find  he  has  not 
got  beyond  the  rudiments  of  science.  His  bright 
ened  intellect  will  discover  to  him  new  paths  of 
science,  of  which,  like  the  joys  he  participates,  it 
never  entered  into  the  heart  of  man  to  form  any 
conception  ;  and  which  will  afford  him  infinite 
matter  for  the  improvement  of  his  growing  facul 
ties,  and  for  praise  and  thanksgiving  to  the  adora 
ble  Creator  to  all  eternity.  May  you  and  I  be 


487 

companions  together  in  this  glorious  employment ; 
and  have  an  opportunity  of  cultivating  a  friendship, 
not  like  the  friendships  of  this  world,  interrupted 
by  many  accidents,  and  oftentimes  by  the  op 
pressive  hand  of  despotism, — which  has  lately 
made  some  of  us  fugitives,  and  aims  to  make  us 
vagabonds  on  the  earth, — but,  with  the  favour 
of  our  Creator,  like  our  future  selves,  immortal, 
and  always  improving,  "  growing  with  our  growth, 
and  strengthening  with  our  strength." 

Pardon  this  reverie,  as  it  was  occasioned  by  the 
kind  expressions  of  your  obliging  letter  ;  and   be 
lieve  me  to  be  with  sincere  esteem, 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

JAMES  BOWDOIN. 


Gen.    Washington,  to  Josiah  Quincy,  Braintree. 

Cambridge,  March  24,  1776. 

Sir, 

I  am  favoured  with  your  letter  of  the  21st 
instant.  It  came  to  hand  this  afternoon,  and  I 
thank  you  for  the  many  kind  and  flattering  ex 
pressions  it  contains.  To  obtain  the  applause  of 
deserving  men  is  a  heart-felt  satisfaction, — to  merit 


488 

it,  is  my  highest  wish.  If  my  conduct,  therefore, 
as  an  instrument  in  the  late  signal  interposition  of 
Providence,  hath  merited  the  approbation  of  this 
great  country,  I  shall  esteem  it  one  of  the  most 
fortunate  and  happy  events  of  my  life.  I  ac 
knowledge  myself  your  debtor  for  the  share  you 
have  bestowed  on  me  of  it.  The  continuance  of 
the  fleet  in  Nantasket  roads  affords  matter  for 
speculation  ;  it  surpasses  my  comprehension,  and 
awakens  all  my  suspicions.  I  have  taken  every 
step  in  my  power,  to  guard  against  surprises  ;  but 
the  temper  of  your  people  seems  to  me  to  be  ap 
prehensive  of  no  danger  till  it  stares  them  in  the 
face.  I  do  not  think  there  is  cause  to  apprehend 
such  marauding  parties  as  you  dread  ;  if  any  stroke 
is  aimed,  it  will  be  a  capital  one ;  for  which  rea 
son  I  wish  to  be  much  upon  my  guard,  and  there 
fore  have  appointed  guard-boats,  look-outs,  &c. 
There  is  one  evil  I  dread,  and  that  is  their  spies. 
I  could  wish,  therefore,  that  the  most  attentive 
watch  was  kept,  to  prevent  any  intercourse  with 
the  ships  and  the  main  land  ;  for  this  purpose,  and 
to  prevent  suspected  persons  (for  I  have  no  doubt 
but  that  trusty  soldiers,  sergeants,  and  even  com 
missioned  officers  in  disguise  v/ill  be  sent  out) 
from  travelling  about,  I  wish  a  dozen  or  more  of 


489 

honest,  sensible,  and  diligent  men  were  employed 
to  haunt  the  communication,  between  Roxbury, 
and  the  different  landing-places  nearest  the  ship 
ping,  in  order  to  question,  cross-question,  &c. 
all  such  persons  as  are  unknown,  and  cannot  give 
an  account  of  themselves  in  a  straight  and  satis 
factory  line.  If  you  could  hire  men  for  this  pur 
pose,  whilst  the  shipping  continue  where  they  now 
are,  I  wrould  pay  the  wages  you  agree  upon,  and 
thank  you  for  the  trouble,  as  I  think  it  a  matter 
of  some  importance  to  prevent  them  from  obtain 
ing  intelligence  of  our  situation.  The  earliest  in 
formation  should  also  be  communicated  of  any 
movements  which  may  be  discovered,  and  whether 
any  of  the  shipping  are  getting  out,  as  it  were  by 
stealth. 

I  am  exceedingly  sorry  to  hear  of  your  indispo 
sition,  and  heartily  wish  you  a  perfect  restoration  to 
health.  I  should  be  very  happy  to  take  you  by 
the  hand,  before  I  bid  adieu  to  the  colony  ;  but  as 
my  motions  are  regulated  by  those  of  the  enemy, 
I  cannot  say  when  or  where  it  can  happen. 
In  sincerity  and  truth,  I  remain, 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  obliged  servant, 
GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 
62 


490 
Gen.  Washington  to  Josiah  Quincy,  Braintree. 

New  York,  April  25,  1776^ 

Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  seventh  instant  coming 
duly  to  hand,  I  thank  you  for  the  intelligence 
therein  contained.  It  gives  me  pain,  to  find  from 
your  account  that  matters  are  taking  a  wrong  bias 
in  the  politics  of  your  government.  I  left  five 
regiments  (upon  an  average  as  strong  as  any  in 
the  service)  to  erect  such  works,  and  in  such 
places,  as  should  be  deemed  most  conducive  to  the 
defence  of  the  harbour.  I  did,  as  it  was  a  gov 
ernment  concern,  leave  the  works  which  should  be 
constructed  for  the  defence  of  the  harbour,  to  the 
adoption  of  the  General  Court,  under  the  auspices 
of  Colonel  Gridley,  whom  I  have  been  taught  to 
view  as  one  of  the  greatest  engineers  of  the  age. 
If  things  have  gone  wrong,  I  can  only  express  my 
concern,  and  lament  that  time  at  so  important  a 
juncture  should  be  wasted,  and  the  best  mode  for 
the  defence  of  the  harbour  neglected.  My  ex 
treme  hurry  will  only  allow  me,  in  addition  to 
what  I  have  said,  to  thank  you  most  cordially  for 
your  friendly  wishes,  and  to  assure  you,  that  I  am 
with  great  truth  and  sincerity,  Dear  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient 

and  obliged,  humble  servant, 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


491 


Dr  Franklin  to  Josiah  Quincy,  Bmintree. 

Saratoga,  April  15,  1776. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  am  here  on  my  way  to  Canada,  detained 
by  the  present  state  of  the  lakes,  in  which  the 
unthawed  ice  obstructs  navigation.  I  begin  to 
apprehend  that  I  have  undertaken  a  fatigue  that 
at  my  time  of  life  may  prove  too  much  for  me,  so 
I  sit  down  to  write  to  a  few  friends  by  way  of 
farewell. 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  departure  of  your  late 
troublesome  neighbours.  I  hope  your  country  will 
now  for  some  time  have  rest,  and  that  care  will  be 
taken  so  to  fortify  Boston,  as  that  no  force  shall 
be  able  again  to  get  footing  there.  Your  very 
kind  letter  of  November  13th,  enclosing  Lord 
Chatham's  and  Lord  Camden's  speeches,  I  duly 
received.  I  think  no  one  can  be  more  sensible 
than  I  am  of  the  favours  of  corresponding  friends, 
but  I  find  it  impossible  to  answer  as  I  ought.  At 
present  I  think  you  will  deem  me  inexcusable, 
and  therefore  I  will  not  attempt  an  apology.  But 
jf  you  should  ever  happen  to  be  at  the  same  time 
oppressed  with  years  and  business,  you  may  then 
extenuate  a  little  for  your  old  friend. 


492 

The  notes  of  the  speeches  taken  by  your  son. 
whose  loss  I  shall  ever  deplore  with  you,  are  ex 
ceedingly  valuable,  as  being  by  much  the  best 
account  preserved  of  that  day's  debate. 

You  ask,  "  When  is  the  continental  congress  by 
general  consent  to  be  formed  into  a  supreme  legis 
lature  ;  alliances,  defensive  and  offensive,  form 
ed  ;  our  ports  opened  ;  and  a  formidable  naval 
force  established  at  the  public  charge  ? ':  lean 
only  answer  at  present,  that  nothing  seems  want 
ing  but  that  "  general  consent."  The  novelty  of 
the  thing  deters  some,  the  doubt  of  success,  others, 
the  vain  hope  of  reconciliation,  many.  But  our 
enemies  take  continually  every  proper  measure  to 
remove  these  obstacles,  and  their  endeavours  are 
attended  with  success,  since  every  day  furnishes 
us  with  new  causes  of  increasing  enmity,  and  new 
reasons  for  wishing  an  eternal  separation  ;  so  that 
there  is  a  rapid  increase  of  the  formerly  small 
party  wrho  were  for  an  independent  government. 

Your  epigram  on  Lord  Chatham's  remark  has 
amply  repaid  me  for  the  song.  Accept  my  thanks 
for  it,  and  for  the  charming  extract  of  a  lady's 
letter,  contained  in  your  favour  of  January  22d. 
I  thought,  when  I  sat  down,  to  have  written  by 
this  opportunity  to  Dr  Cooper,  Mr  Bowdoin,  and 


493 

Dr  Winthrop,  but  I  am  interrupted.  Be  so  good 
as  to  present  my  affectionate  respects  to  them, 
and  to  your  family. 

Adieu,  my  dear  friend,  and  believe  me  ever 
Yours  most  affectionately, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Dr  Franklin  to  Josiah  Quincy,  Braintree. 

Passy,  April  22,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  received  your  very  kind  letter  by  Mr  Brad 
ford,  who  appears  a  very  sensible  and  amiable 
young  gentleman,  to  whom  I  should  with  pleas 
ure  render  any  services  in  my  power  upon  your 
much  respected  recommendation ;  but  I  under 
stand  he  returns  immediately. 

It  is  with  great  sincerity  I  join  you  in  ac 
knowledging  and  admiring  the  dispensations  of 
Providence  in  our  favour.  America  has  only  to 
be  thankful,  and  to  persevere.  God  will  finish 
his  work,  and  establish  their  freedom  ;  and  the 
lovers  of  liberty  will  flock  from  all  parts  of  Eu 
rope  with  their  fortunes  to  participate  with  us  of 
that  freedom,  as  soon  as  peace  is  restored. 


494 

I  am  exceedingly  pleased  with  your  account  of 
the  French  politeness  and  civility,  as  it  appeared 
among  the  officers  and  people  of  their  fleet. 
They  have  certainly  advanced  in  those  respects 
many  degrees  beyond  the  English.  I  find  them 
here  a  most  amiable  nation  to  live  with.  The 
Spaniards  are  by  common  opinion  supposed  to  be 
cruel,  the  English  proud,  the  Scotch  insolent, 
the  Dutch  avaricious,  &c.  but  I  think  the  French 
have  no  national  vice  ascribed  to  them.  They 
have  some  frivolities,  but  they  are  harmless.  To 
dress  their  heads  so  that  a  hat  cannot  be  put  on 
them,  and  then  wear  their  hats  under  their  arms, 
and  to  fill  their  noses  with  tobacco,  may  be  called 
follies  perhaps,  but  they  are  not  vices.  They  are 
only  the  effects  of  the  tyranny  of  custom.  In 
short,  there  is  nothing  wanting  in  the  character  of 
a  Frenchman,  that  belongs  to  that  of  an  agreeable 
and  worthy  man.  There  are  only  some  trifles 
surplus,  or  which  might  be  spared. 

Will  you  permit  me,  while  I  do  them  this  jus 
tice,  to  hint  a  little  censure  on  our  own  country 
people,  which  I  do  in  good  will,  wishing  the 
cause  removed.  You  know  the  necessity  we  are 
under  of  supplies  from  Europe,  and  the  difficulty 
we  have  at  present  in  making  returns.  The  in- 


495 

terest  bills  would  do  a  good  deal  towards  purchasing 
arms,  ammunition,  clothing,  sail-cloth,  and  other 
necessaries  for  defence.  Upon  inquiry  of  those 
who  present  these  bills  to  me  for  acceptance,  what 
the  money  is  to  be  laid  out  in,  I  find  that  most 
of  it  is  for  superfluities,  and  more  than  half  of  it 
for  tea  !  How  unhappily  in  this  instance  the  folly 
of  our  people,  and  the  avidity  of  our  merchants, 
concur  to  weaken  and  impoverish  our  country  ! 
I  formerly  computed  that  we  consumed  before  the 
war,  in  that  single  article,  the  value  of  £500,000 
sterling  annually.  Much  of  this  was  saved  by 
stopping  the  use  of  it.  I  honoured  the  virtuous 
resolution  of  our  women  in  foregoing  that  little 
gratification,  and  I  lament  that  such  virtue  should 
be  of  so  short  duration !  Five  hundred  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  annually  laid  out  in  defending 
ourselves,  or  annoying  our  enemies,  would  have 
great  effect.  With  what  face  can  we  ask  aids 
and  subsidies  from  our  friends,  while  we  are  wast 
ing  our  own  wealth  in  such  prodigality  ?  With 
great  and  sincere  esteem  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


496 


Or  Franklin  to  Josiah  Quincy,  Braintree. 

Passy,  September  11,  1783. 

My  Dear  Sir, 

Mr told  me  not  long  since,  that  you 

complained  of  my  not  writing  to  you.  You  had 
reason,  for  I  find  among  your  letters  two  unan 
swered.  The  truth  is,  I  have  had  too  much 
business  to  do  for  the  public,  and  too  little  help 
allowed  me  ;  so  that  it  became  impossible  for  me 
to  keep  up  my  private  correspondencies.  I  prom 
ised  myself  more  leisure  when  the  definitive  treaty 
of  peace  should  be  concluded.  But  that,  it 
seems,  is  to  be  followed  by  a  treaty  of  commerce, 
which  will  probably  take  up  a  good  deal  of  time, 
and  require  much  attention.  I  seize  this  interim 
to  sit  down  and  have  a  little  chat  with  my  friends 
in  America. 

I  lament  with  you,  the  many  mischiefs,  the 
injustice,  the  corruption  of  manners,  &c.  that 
attended  a  depreciating  currency.  It  is  some 
consolation  to  me  that  I  washed  my  hands  of 
that  evil,  by  predicting  it  in  congress,  and  pro 
posing  means  that  would  have  been  effectual  to 
prevent  it,  if  they  had  been  adopted.  Subsequent 
operations  that  I  have  executed,  demonstrate  that 


497 

my  plan  was  practicable.  But  it  was  unfortunate 
ly  rejected.  Considering  all  our  mistakes  and 
mismanagements,  it  is  wonderful  we  have  finished 
our  affair  so  well  and  so  soon  !  Indeed,  I  am 
wrong  in  using  that  expression — We  have  finished 
our  affairs  so  well.  Our  blunders  have  been 
many,  and  they  serve  to  manifest  the  hand  of 
Providence  more  clearly  in  our  favour,  so  that 
we  may  much  more  properly  say,  "  These  are 
thy  doings,  oh !  Lord,  and  they  are  marvellous 
in  our  eyes  !  '5 

The  epitaph  on  my  dear  and  much  esteemed 
young  friend,  is  too  well  written,  to  be  capable  of 
improvement  by  any  corrections  of  mine  ;  your 
moderation  appears  in  it,  since  the  natural  affec 
tion  of  a  parent  has  not  induced  you  to  exaggerate 
his  virtues. 

How  admirably  constituted  was  his  noble  and 
generous  mind.  Having  plenty  of  merit  in  him 
self,  he  was  not  jealous  of  the  appearance  of  it 
in  others.  I  shall  always  mourn  his  loss  with 
you,  a  loss  not  easily  made  up  to  his  country. 

*•*  *  »  #  #**.£*.  *  *  *  * 

***********!  rejoice 
with  you  in  the  peace  God  has  blessed   us  with, 
and   in   the   prosperity  it  gives  us  a  prospect  of. 
63 


498 

The  Definitive  Treaty  was  signed  the  third  in 
stant.  We  are  now  friends  with  England,  and 
with  all  mankind  ! 

May  we  never  see  another  war  !  for  in  my 
opinion,  there  never  was  a  good  war,  or  a  bad 
peace. 

Adieu,  and  believe  me  ever, 

My  dear  Friend, 

Yours  most  affectionately, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


THE  END, 


RETURN 
TQ. 

LOA. 


CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 

"brary  _.      _ 


ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AH bk/  UAYb 

1  -month  loons  may  be  renewed  by  calling  642-3  circulation 

6-month  loans  may  be  recharged  by  bringing  books  to 

and  recharges  may  be  made  4  days  pr.or  to  due  date 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 



REC.  CIR.OCT    278 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 
FORM  NO.  DD6,  40m,  3/78  BERKELEY,  CA  94720 


YC  594  {'8 


.M4 


»?    t. 

.'•  ''I 


